this post was submitted on 27 Aug 2026
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The languages I'm aware of (European ones) are all set up around the structure of talking about things, nouns, verbs, etc, and tenses that modify those things over time. Suzy and John go to the movies. Beans tasted good yesterday. Examples like that. But the concept of a "thing" is a non-dialectical framing, it's trying to take a snapshot of something away from the historical context it exists in, instead of looking at the totality.

For example, we could talk about a book, but the book is more than the paper and ink that it is printed on. There's the author, the machine that printed it, the publishing company, the trees the paper was gathered from, the ink, the language, the method of writing language, the readers who read the book, the whole history of fiction or non-fiction and the social context that creates those methods. The list goes on. Outside of the context of those other things that make up the totality of the book, the true nature of the book becomes difficult to understand. It would be incredibly difficult or even impossible to understand a book outside of any social context at all.

In a way we become alienated from the true properties of the book, the context of the book, not just in the sense of alienation during sale of commodities, but in the sense that by trying to compartmentalize it into a "thing" that exists here and now, we lose connection with what the totality of that "thing" was, is, and will be, and the other things that cause that thing to exist as it is now that are connected to it.

Even writing about dialectical thinking is difficult and hard to make sense of because all of our framing and words and concepts we use are all about trying to put things into tidy little still-frame boxes that can be easily understood at a glance. I think this unironically contributes to the wall of text leftism memes because we have to take time to describe the context of the situation outside of the normal framing and word usage and teach and entire new way of thinking.

I think this is why we end up with a lot of "Is China socialist?" type questions and answers that just look at whether the thing right now fits some abstract definition. It's trying to put the thing into a nice little box that we can understand. And we do that naturally by just talking, by the way we naturally form our words and concepts that are guided by the system of language that we just happen to use.

What I'm trying to say is that the very languages we use predisposes people to think a certain way and to play with concepts in a certain way, and that way happens to align with a non-dialectical thought process and framing. Socialists have to fight an uphill battle to communicate what is often an entirely novel concept using a language that wasn't meant to frame it that way.

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[–] ourtimewillcome@hexbear.net 39 points 4 days ago

sorry for saying it so harshly, but this is hard to not just call a load of pseudo-linguistic, pseudo-marxist rubbish! trofim lysenko-level "analysis".

firstly, "european languages" is not a useful category here in any way, shape or form. If you're speaking about any and all languages present in europe, then you're ignoring that they are composed of several unrelated families (albanian is indo-european, gagauz is turkic, basque is an isolate, etc.); if, however, you're talking about the indo-european family, to which most languages on the continent belong, then you are ignoring the multitude of languages of that family spoken outside the borders of what is commonly considered europe. all this also ignores the fact that you need to define what you even consider to be "european" in the first place.

furthermore, nouns and verbs are not uniquely "european" features. languages spoken outside europe also commonly distinguish between nominal and verbal expressions. moreover, tense does not simply "modify things over time"; together with aspect, it encodes how events are located in time and whether they are bounded, repeated, completed, or ongoing. many european languages also possess grammatical resources for expressing impersonal processes, reflexivity, passive transformation, modality, relationships, and other such concepts.

secondly, grammar is not the same thing as thought! imho, your argument relies a bit too heavily on the sapir-whorf hypothesis to have much merit.

such linguistic determinism (the idea that language determines what people can think) simply does not correspond to what we see in reality: people routinely develop ideas that are not transparently encoded in their grammar, use metaphors, invent technical vocabularies, create new grammatical constructions, and explain concepts that their everyday language does not make immediately obvious, etc.

writings in any science or field of study - mathematics, systems theory, ecology, historical writing, or Marxist theory - as well as any kind of (sub-)cultural jargon that may exist, all demonstrate that languages can always be extended to represent new relations and processes.

english, for example, communicates processes and relations quite effectively:

the book emerged from a network of labour, technology, and institutions. its meaning changes as different communities read and reuse it. the publishing industry transforms trees, labour, and language into commodities. the book is what it is through its relations to other social processes.

and those were just some rather simple sentences, weren't they? despite using ordinary nouns and verbs, they express a thoroughly relational and historical analysis. even the word "thing" itself need not imply an isolated, changeless object. a "thing" can very much be understood as a temporary stabilisation of processes and relations, if the context so dictates.

furthermore, dialectical thought itself requires abstraction. we cannot describe every causal relation surrounding a book every time we mention one. the problem is not that abstraction exists, but that an abstraction is mistaken for the whole concrete reality. "book" is a useful starting point; reification occurs when we treat that category as self-sufficient and ahistorical. the remedy is not to eliminate nouns, but to be able to move between levels of abstraction as needed and, if necessary, restore the relations that the abstraction leaves out.

the issue is not that "european languages" were "not meant" for dialectics. it is that everyday language is optimised for practical coordination, while dialectical theory asks us to make visible processes that ordinary communication can safely leave implicit. a socialist vocabulary can feel difficult not because it requires an entirely new language, but because it requires using familiar language against its most habitual, reifying tendencies.

[–] EmmaGoldman@hexbear.net 25 points 4 days ago* (last edited 4 days ago)

You're just talking about linguistic determinism, the strong version of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis.

Both versions of the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis have been consistently disproven in every study that's tried to quantify it.

[–] TreadOnMe@hexbear.net 17 points 4 days ago

Sapir-Whorf should be rejected as a primary driver of social control as it is and remains an unproven and non-scientific linguistic theory. If alienation from the understanding from revolutionary language was the major roadblock to revolution, then we wouldn't see that every single successful revolution has so far had a primarily illiterate population.

The issue is that we are primarily alienated from any of the material conditions that can generate revolution, which has been a project by the neoliberals, who understood what Marx was talking about and have built multiple aspects of this system we live in to mitigate these tendencies.

The former stewards and builders of this empire understood you needed to shear the sheep, not kill it. The current stewards? Not so much.

[–] pcalau12i@lemmygrad.ml 9 points 3 days ago* (last edited 3 days ago) (1 children)

This is what Bohm wrote about in Wholeness and the Implicate Order. I agree with the premise that language inherently instills biases towards undialectical thinking, but at the same time, I'm not really convinced of the attempts to replace language with a "dialectical language." My concern is that it seems pretty inherent to the nature of language to begin with the categorization of things, in order to be able to identify anything at all, which inherently breaks things apart into logical, "ideal" categories, and no change in language can possibly overcome that. I don't think the goal of dialectical philosophy should be to change language to make it dialectical, but rather, it is recognize the limitations of language.

That is to say, not to change the language, but to use the language with full awareness of its inherently ideal nature. You can thus still use language, despite its ideal nature, because the material reality is held implicitly in its meaning, as long as all participants in the conversation understand dialectics and thus the limitations of that language.

This, of course, does create a problem, like in questions involving "is X socialist?" when you encounter a leftist who does not understand dialectics, and thus misunderstands the language. For them, they take all the words at face-value and don't understand the implicit limitations of them, and thus they are taken for what they are, and that leads directly to idealist interpretations.

This is hard to correct because they are deriving entirely different meaning from the same sentences, and the difference in meaning depends upon a complicated underlying philosophical background they don't have, and may never have if they do not bother to study. I don't really know of some sort of easy solution to this, but I don't believe at all that a solution can be found just in changing the language, because language is inherently ideal, and changing it up with just replace one set of ideal categorizations with another.

This is, again, a limitation of language itself. Language doesn't carry reality, it is just symbols on a page. The issue is people taking the symbols too seriously. Reality is not symbols, but what those symbols represent. The word "dog" isn't your real dog, but a stand-in for it. Your real dog is the one in the real world you can go look at, pet, hug, etc. People who take the language too seriously get lost in abstractions, take the symbols for the reality, and forget to actually consider what the symbol is referring to in the real, empirical world.

You see this a lot with leftcoms and other kinds of puritans. They quote-mine Critique of the Gotha Programme for some "definition of socialism" and treat some of the characteristics outlines as sort of "true" definition of what socialism looks like in objective reality, then they look for states that perfectly reflect those definitions in pure terms without any blemishes or contradictions. They don't find any societies that fit this puritanical definition, so they declare "true socialism has never been tried."

This, however, again, is a problem I see with language generally, not of a particular language specifically. If I had to talk about everything all at once, I could never have time to talk about anything specific at all. To talk about anything specific, I have to break reality up into categories. Reality does not actually physically exist as broken up categories, so the moment I do that, I have abandoned talking about material reality for what it really is, and am talking about abstract, idealized categories I (or, more specifically, the society I exist within, as language is socially constructed) created for the purpose of communicating something interesting to me.

The moment we break apart reality in this way, we risk, as Bohm warned, to descend into abstract metaphysics and idealism if we start confusing the abstract, human-made categories as literal material reality for what it really is. However, we really cannot escape this process of abstraction and categorization, because otherwise we would not have enough time to talk about anything at all. The only solution is not a new language, but rather, to use language with an understanding of its limitations, and so the material reality we are speaking of is implicitly understood rather than explicitly spelled out.

Indeed, this is what Bohm even meant when he talked about the "implicate order." "Implicate" because it is implicit. You cannot actually capture material reality in language. It's just a logical impossibility. The material reality we are trying to talk about can only ever be implicitly understood by the reader, but since it is not explicit in the language (which is not possible), there always runs a risk of a person not implicitly understanding the reality it refers to.

I also think Jocelyn Benoist's notion of "contextual realism" is somewhat useful here. He also has written extensively on this issue of the disconnect between idealized language and reality. The implicit reality the language refers to, he refers to as the "context." The context refers to the real-world, observable, empirical situation in which the language is actually employed to refer to. Benoist warns that we risk falling into idealism and abstract metaphysics if we use language but forget its context, i.e. we start talking about objects and categories in the abstract as if those abstract categories are actually part of reality.

His solution is, again, not to invent a new language, or to abandon the usage of language, but to recognize that this problem is resolved automatically when all participants in the discussion are implicitly aware of the context being referred to, even though it is impossible to explicitly state the context (as attempting to do so will lead to an infinite regress akin to Wittgenstein's rule-following problem), as context is wholly empirical and not linguistic.

Sadly, it requires some philosophical background, and thus some education, for people to improve their thinking and to think in more concrete and less abstract ways. I don't think there is a way we can achieve this just by changing our language, and I don't think any particular language is at fault (i.e. "bourgeois language"), but it is just inherent to the nature of language, and can only really be helped with education.

[–] juice_@hexbear.net 7 points 3 days ago

Everybody wants to teach Marxism, nobody wants to learn pedagogy.

[–] Erika3sis@hexbear.net 12 points 4 days ago

Are we reinventing the first chapter of the 2,300-year-old foundational text of Daoism from first principles? Either way, I have had an occasional thought as well of "What would a language built around the dialectical method look like?" but I've had those thoughts knowing that linguistic determinism is bunk and that this thought experiment would not make for an actually useful language. Actual normal natural human language is itself shaped by its contradictions, it's a very beautiful thing. So on the whole, I agree with others' criticisms here.

[–] DivineChaos100@hexbear.net 16 points 4 days ago

Hexbear delves into anprim language theory.

[–] KnilAdlez@hexbear.net 13 points 4 days ago (1 children)

So what would a language that does not revolve around noun-verb clauses look like?

[–] sharkfucker420@lemmy.ml 19 points 4 days ago (4 children)
[–] CommunistCuddlefish@hexbear.net 2 points 2 days ago (1 children)
[–] sharkfucker420@lemmy.ml 2 points 2 days ago* (last edited 2 days ago)

The alien language from the movie arrival. Super cool concept with details I wouldn't want to spoil

[–] Snort_Owl@hexbear.net 19 points 4 days ago

I speak coffee stain

[–] KnilAdlez@hexbear.net 7 points 4 days ago* (last edited 3 days ago)

This was the first thing I thought of too

I really liked that movie

[–] quarrk@hexbear.net 10 points 4 days ago* (last edited 4 days ago) (1 children)

Don’t have time to find a source but I’m pretty sure Marx thought that abstractions are the substance of thought. Thought is idealist almost by tautology. The task is not to transcend concepts in thought (nor in language, as extension of thought) but to reason about the concepts themselves.

It’s a question of epistemology. From where does knowledge ultimately derive? For Hegel, knowledge is found in the contemplation leading to an absolute concept or Spirit, and all other concepts are only partial knowledge. Marx’s epistemology, on the other hand, says knowledge can derive only empirically from the senses. Marx wasn’t the first to say this; you can find it in Kant, who Hegel tried to transcend with his dialectic, and in the materialists, notably Feuerbach.

It was not Marx but Feuerbach who should get credit for the refutation of Hegel[^1]:

Feuerbach’s great achievement is: […] His opposing to the negation of the negation, which claims to be the absolute positive, the self-supporting positive, positively based on itself.

[…]

Feuerbach thus conceives the negation of the negation only as a contradiction of philosophy with itself – as the philosophy which affirms theology (the transcendent, etc.) after having denied it, and which it therefore affirms in opposition to itself.

The positive position or self-affirmation and self-confirmation contained in the negation of the negation is taken to be a position which is not yet sure of itself, which is therefore burdened with its opposite, which is doubtful of itself and therefore in need of proof, and which, therefore, is not a position demonstrating itself by its existence – not an acknowledged position; hence it is directly and immediately confronted by the position of sense-certainty based on itself. [Feuerbach also defines the negation of the negation, the definite concept, as thinking surpassing itself in thinking and as thinking wanting to be directly awareness, nature, reality. – Note by Marx]

Marx agrees with Feuerbach that Hegel’s negation of the negation, a central mechanism for Hegel’s dialectic, is incomplete because it inevitably affirms the position that it wants to negate. The negation of Hegel’s negation, the “self-supporting positive, positively based on itself”, the “position of sense-certainty based on itself” is nothing other than empirical measurement, which provides knowledge that is true in and of itself.

In summary, the task is not to make our thoughts non-idealist because that is impossible. The task is to develop our ability to do science and to reason “outside of” our own thinking.

[^1]: Karl Marx, Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy in General

[–] juice_@hexbear.net 4 points 4 days ago* (last edited 3 days ago) (1 children)

The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human thinking is not a question of theory but is a practical question. Man must prove the truth — i.e. the reality and power, the this-sidedness of his thinking in practice. The dispute over the reality or non-reality of thinking that is isolated from practice is a purely scholastic question.

Marx did not treat thought abstractly, and was against doing so. He defined thoight as a practical process. The foundation is a thinking, sensing, experiencing subject, who experiences their environment, contemplates the experience, and then acts based on the contemplation, changing their environment, which they experience... etc.

Overcoming Hegel involved a fusion of the object and subject, not separating them and treating the object outside of the subject. That's what bourgeois rationalism accomplishes. Division of the object from the subject, of the mind from the body, of the individual from the social is exactly the problem. Hot take, but there is no Marxist epistemology, and Marx was definitely not a pure empiricist. Experience is not inherently revolutionary. Marx treated empirical knowledge as true and objective, in the way that your thoughts and experiences are an objective condition to me, in that they affect my environment, in a world which i experience that contains you and your activity. Pannekoek makes an excellent point in Lenin as Philosopher that all science is composed of empirical knowledge. But what makes science concrete is that it is a testable, consistent process. The practice of science is the essence of scientific ideas.

There's no way to believe that Marx handled thoughts abstractly, and understand his criticism of Feuerbach. Feuerbach nearly overcame Hegel's idealism, but still treated the human subject abstractly. Feuerbach was like Ricardo in that he wanted to center humans in his analysis, but the humans they centered did not exist. Marx uses abstractions in his analysis, but always reinforces it with the experiences of people who were directly witnessing, recording and describing their experiences. This process reveals the special, local character of conditions, which are absolutely necessary to understand in order to change them. Marxist abstraction is only useful where it allows us to engage directly with the people in the society we share, with the goal to initiate and develop revolutionary change. These changes are simultaneously objective and subjective in that change is a process of people changing our world while we change ourselves.

This is why Marxist epistemology does not exist outside of critique and revolution. There is no proof outside practice, there is no knowledge without getting our hands dirty. Epistemology is interpreting the world, Marxism is interpretation, criticism, and practicing revolution.

[–] quarrk@hexbear.net 2 points 3 days ago* (last edited 3 days ago) (3 children)

I’m on mobile, so this is a little bit stream of consciousness.

Marx’s theses on Feuerbach are Marx counterposing his own practical philosophy against the strictly materialist philosophy of Feuerbach. The 2nd thesis which you cited should not be interpreted to mean that there is no difference at all between thought (ie, abstraction) and material reality. When using the word truth in that thesis, he is careful to give two other descriptors, power and reality to clarify what he means by truth. In other words, he is saying that truth is not something proven through pure contemplation, but demonstrated by its actual correspondence to the material world. That is an epistemological claim! Marx not only has an epistemology, it’s foundational to his work.

Marx did not treat thought abstractly, and was against doing so. He defined thoight as a practical process. The foundation is a thinking, sensing, experiencing subject, who experiences their environment, contemplates the experience, and then acts based on the contemplation, changing their environment, which they experience... etc.

You are correct on the narrow point that Marx’s critique of Feuerbach has to do with Feuerbach’s understanding of the human subject. Marx affirms that human activity is an objective phenomenon that does not appear in Feuerbach; in this sense you are right that there is a need to “fuse” subject in object, although I don’t think that word is precise. Subject and object may be “fused” in a certain context but that does not make them identically the same thing. Instead they form separate poles of a dialectic, which is itself a unity, but not a homogenous unity. It’s a composite unity of discrete parts, each of which determines and depends on the other, but is not identical to the other. As an analogy, an ecosystem is a dialectical whole comprising many partial processes; it is not accurate to represent an ecosystem as a homogeneous biomass. It is actually a set of different organisms with particular determinations, and their particularity is just as important as their unity.

Abstraction is the reflection of the material world into thought. This thought doesn’t become objective until it is then reflected back into the material world in the form of human activity. The part in the middle is consciousness, and that is why in the first thesis, Marx says that only the idealists had developed the “active side”.

[–] juice_@hexbear.net 2 points 3 days ago (1 children)

Part 2, start with the other comment:

IMO, it is more practical to think of consciousness not individual, but structural. Hell, the "individual" as it is commonly umderstood is a historical social construction.

In this sense, "Abstraction is the reflection of the material world into thought. This thought doesn’t become objective until it is then reflected back into the material world in the form of human activity," is correct in one direction. But the entire point of the original post, while I don't agree with op's identification of language as the source of abstraction, op is right to point out that a major barrier to mass consciousness is an objective problem of abstraction. The abstractions, the ideas of society, are part of the structural consciousness of society, a function of the hegemony of one class over all others. The abstractions are "more real" to us than our own experiences! Its hard to consider abstraction that exists objectively as a "reflection into thought." Abstraction in this sense can function as part of objective conditions of alienation.

An epistemic application of Marxism is extremely common. It defines the classes for us, it defines labor and revolution for us, it describes history to us; and we consume it like we consume any commodity, one epistemic brand among many. But a practical application of Marxism brings people together in the conditions of struggle and people's lives, and identifies the material relationships that define our experiences. It allows us to perform materialist critique in the face of severe alienation and hegemony, and come away with the "truth and the power" of the people who create society with our labor. We discover for ourselves the nature and character of our alienation, and we take action to change it. Another hot take, but Marx wasn't only trying to convey a set of economic theories in Capital, which is what Engels wanted, but he was demonstrating a method that allows us to practically critique any social phenomenon and develop it toward the emancipation of workers from our material conditions. We can look at Marx as an economist, we can admire his conclusions, his incredible insight. And in Capital, Marx relies heavily on Abstraction when beginning each subject in his criticism. But the "Marxism" as I identify it, is the way he holds the abstraction against the wheel of scientific evidence, based in the real conditions centered around the exploited, and identifies how each real set of circumstances embodied in abstraction is really composed of dialectically connected parts, which function as a real phenomena in a way that is distinct from the abstraction. So yes, I think you are half correct that abstraction is the thought that occupies our reflections of our experiences. But practically, if we keep testing our abstractions in real conditions, we eventually realize that any abstraction is flawed, incomplete. All that remains is a scientific method of determining truth, transforming truth into human activity, which accumulates into revolutionary change. Abstraction gives way to action. This is why Marxism is, to me, not an epistemology, because if we are doing epistemology then we are only making mental abstractions. But if we are engaged in the materialist method, then the source of truth is people's lives and a relation between the inner life of the subject and existence within their objective conditions. We use abstractions to connect them but the source of them is the described lived experiences of the workers, not something that comes from Marx and goes into the worker. Marx shows us what is possible with his method of critique, but it is up to us to define truth.

[–] quarrk@hexbear.net 2 points 2 days ago* (last edited 2 days ago) (1 children)

Well, 1.5x max comment is quite an effort, thanks for that. It was a worthwhile read. I have sat down with my morning coffee and eaten something, so I can now respond.

I read your two replies a couple of times, and I have to say that I agree with the majority of it. We share a distaste for interpretations of Marxism as a purely contemplative (idealist) theory. That happens routinely in academic philosophy, both traditional bourgeois philosophy and Western Marxism. The Frankfurt School in particular took on, as their special task, and more or less consciously, the subordination of Marxism under mainline philosophy. They abstract from all Marxian categories and thereby sap the theory of its vitality. Distaste for this kind of interpretation seems to be the basis of your rejection of a Marxian epistemology.

You gave a good description of Feuerbach and the correspondence between historical trends in philosophy and in the material development of society. You are correct to point out that Feuerbach's materialism is idealist. Marx's critique of Feuerbach is that Feuerbach wants to negate Hegel's idealism, he wants to have a fully materialist philosophy, but he succeeded only partially for the reasons you mentioned. I should have said that Feuerbach is, relative to Marx, a strict determinist rather than a strict materialist.

If I'm understanding, the essential point you make is that abstractions can become reified. Humans, as subjects, encounter these abstractions as objective structures of their social existence. For example, value is not made up of atoms, yet it has all the social reality of an objective force of nature, yada yada. In this sense, an abstraction has escaped the confines of imagination and become material. This led to Alfred Sohn-Rethel's popularization of the concept of real abstraction to describe this phenomenon. (I don't particularly like the Frankfurt School or Critical Theory, as I mentioned. I reference this due only to relevance.) Briefly connecting back to the topic of language, Marx discusses in Capital how contradictory expressions like "value of labor" are the result of the contradictory nature of capitalism itself, which operates such that it appears as though workers directly sell living labor, and not labor-power. This shows that overcoming alienation does involve correcting language, but I think OP takes it too far in suggesting that thought is strongly confined by language.

I accept some concept of real abstraction as described above, though I cannot know if I conceive it in the same sense as Sohn-Rethel because I have not read his book. It is plenty clear, from Marx and from everything we have discussed, that human thought is grounded in the material world, and that the material world is changed by human activity as an objective force.


Here is the crucial question: does Marx's philosophy generalize the concept of abstraction into a bi-directional process that includes both human sense-perception and human activity? I don't think so. Abstraction still refers only to the first leg of that journey, and I think that is the sense which Marx always meant by abstraction.

Abstractions can become reality, but not on their own, not directly. They have to be mediated, through human activity. Yet, this human activity is not itself the abstraction per se, but merely its form of appearance or mode of expression. If this sounds similar to the problem of value requiring a mode of expression which it finds in exchange value, it is because the two scenarios are formally the same: an abstraction cannot be directly its opposite without mediation. Likewise, concrete labor cannot be directly social (i.e., abstract) labor except by transformation into money, the representative of value and of abstract labor.

Now, as Marx himself acknowledged, the general form of the dialectic, the mediated unity of opposites, is to be entirely credited to Hegel. What Marx did was to discover that this is a basis upon which to understand the interaction between human consciousness and its material environment.

[–] juice_@hexbear.net 2 points 1 day ago* (last edited 1 day ago) (1 children)

I've definitely enjoyed the thoughtful discussion and engagement. Most of the time i get this deep into the topic, I end up losing people.

abstractions can become reified.

Honestly I was kinda riffing with this stuff. Being able to get into the weeds with you was an opportunity to work through some points I've been thinking a lot about. If I were to point to examples of real abstractions, which are definitely mediated through practical activity, though I def need to think more about what that means, would prob deal with some points Marx made in Capital v1 about abstracting labor to alienate it from workers. The watch maker example, of a highly skilled craftsman, who could make one watch like per week. The watch was highly sought after and expensive until a capitalist figures out how to use a tool to make one piece of the watch, and then has an unskilled craftsman just make that one piece all day. Put the craftsperson in a factory with a bunch of other workers who make the same part over and over, and then assemble them at the end. Take a specialized task of a worker, and have a machine do it, now you can produce more springs or whatever at a cheaper cost, because you no longer need a worker who can make springs, you just need someone to load a strip of metal into the machine and pull a lever.

Its like the way that the labor is abstracted, takes away the human element. As the work is made abstract and given over to the machine, the human becomes part of the machine. And what Marx takes great care to prove, is that the more this labor becomes abstract, the more it is used to exploit more vulnerable people. What took a trained craftsman can now be accomplished by a child, or elderly.

Another example is actually software. The user interacts with an abstraction of an abstraction of an abstraction, and so on, in order to like perform some task on a computer. The user never has to think about ones and zeroes, or circuits, or even computer code. But all those things are abstractions. they are the product of human labor, but once they're existing, they reduce human labor, or limit it in some ways.

This is where I need to spend a bit more time with your description that abstractions are mediated by human activity. I'm gonna need to chew on that a bit. Its an important clarification, and I appreciate you identifying it for me.

generalize the concept of abstraction into a bi-directional process that includes both human sense-perception and human activity?

Okay you caught me. My application of Marxism is heavily humanist. Probably my biggest other influence is Paulo Friere. I have some criticisms of him, like I think he naively leans toward an academic new-left orientation in some ways, not explicitly, but I can't help but read what he's writing about the cultural revolution and compare it to the various academic milquetoast "maoists" I've encountered. But I also deeply appreciate and heavily apply the method of revolutionary critical pedagogy, so I think that's what you're picking up here. I think Lenin and Trotsky had a good practical grasp of this method, which they synthesized out of Hegel, sometimes via Plekhanovist determinism, sometimes more particular and human-centered. Fanon's analysis I believe is very close to this as well. But it isn't strictly Marx, and studying Gramsci for example, he doesn't do this. He sticks to history, he sticks to class. I think Marxism opens the door to this kind of critical method, I think it is consistent with Marxism, but as I engage in organizing and political work I recognize that not everybody is on the same page as me here. Many of my more politically minded comrades don't seem to want to bother with pedagogy, but also, I still see them making errors like defining consciousness as an individual trait at the expense of a structural critique. In my view, the structural is deeply connected to the subject, in this dialectical contrast. When I mentioned that Capital was more than just a book of economics, that was very much the impression I got after reading it but couldn't put my finger on it. Friere, Fanon, and (obsessing over) Theses on Feuerbach/The German Ideology -- and maybe a little Pannekoek too -- was where I found my orientation toward Marx's method after Capital. I'm also very impressed with Friere's ability to concretize even concepts which might be nearly Metaphysical.

Good discussion! Appreciate the rec in real abstraction, I'll look this over.

I'm having to read the Laclau/Mouffe book in the near future, which will me my next hate-read. I haven't gotten into the Frankfurt school stuff yet, thankfully, but that doesn't mean it won't happen, just that i haven't recognized problems caused by it in my local conditions

[–] quarrk@hexbear.net 2 points 1 day ago* (last edited 1 day ago) (1 children)

That all sounds good to me. Before bothering with any of the Critical Theorists, I would recommend reading I. I. Rubin. In my opinion he gives the most precise and clear explication of the dialectic inherent in Capital. He wrote an excellent book, Essays on Marx’s Theory of Value, but for a shorter (still dense) read, there is also a transcribed lecture of his, which touches on the difference between substance/content and form.

[–] juice_@hexbear.net 2 points 1 day ago

I'll def put Rubin on my list, and check out that lecture. To be clear, my engagement with Mouffe/Laclau is specifically due to an observed ignorance of Gramscian definitions of hegemony and passive revolution, which the Mouffe and Laclau exploits in order to actually divide Gramsci from Marx (impossible if you actually like study Gramsci.) This leads to Leninist formations to actually respond to the pomo framing by reverting to like 1903 Menshevist understanding of power, which Lenin was explicitly critical of.

I'm also captivated by how often moderate academics fall for this "guys what if there's a trialectic" bit from L&M. But in that respect, an alternate but cohesive and coherent formulation of Marxist dialectics that expands my own pedagogical critical dialectics is very appealing, especially as I am starting to recognize some practical weaknesses.

[–] juice_@hexbear.net 2 points 3 days ago

Thanks for your comments, I see where you're coming from in your points, so let me clarify these call outs.

The 2nd thesis which you cited should not be interpreted to mean that there is no difference at all between thought (ie, abstraction) and material reality.

Yeah I've been called out on this before, I need to figure out how to state a some things better. To clarify, thought is objective human activity. I particularly like the choice of the word "contemplation." If I have an experience, I contemplate it, it initiates change within myself. I experience my own thoughts, which I may also contemplate. I do believe that thinking is material, because it drives actual material changes in the individual. But if it is referred to statically, like some ghost that lives only in the mind, which IMO it often is, that abstraction is idealistic.

That is an epistemological claim!

I see where you are getting at. But here is the problem I have with it. This places Marx's materialism next to every other theory of knowledge, like a buffet. This is fine when we are surveying, learning and critiquing. But Marxism isn't a philosophy, it contains philosophical concepts but in a particular way. It harnesses them into a revolutionary practical method. I think the problem with defining it as an epistemology, which I admit parts of it technically are, is that if it is one epistemology among many, then we aren't involved in negation. If we consider Marxism an epistemology, we aren't doing Marxism, we are philosophising, interpreting. We have removed the thing from its practical function, put it in a museum. This is fine and interesting, who doesn't love a museum? But if we are engaged in class war, in libratory, revolutionary struggle, then placing these philosophies next to each other is not fulfilling the actual purpose.

Marxism negates idealism, and the way it does this is really fascinating, to me. You mentioned that Feuerbach's philosophy was "strictly materialist" but this is not true. It was the closest anyone had come to practical materialism up to that point, which is why it moved Marx and Engels as much as it did, but it still contained idealist elements. Marx identified these idealist elements, like the essentialism of human nature and abstraction of human thought. Feuerbach had taken Hegelian dialectic idealism and negated many of the idealist elements, and created a theory of social transformation where the functions of the christian church were secularized and harnessed by society to get all of the social benefits of religion, without the baggage and negative consequences of the three estates.

But that the secular basis detaches itself from itself and establishes itself as an independent realm in the clouds can only be explained by the cleavages and self-contradictions within this secular basis. The latter must, therefore, in itself be both understood in its contradiction and revolutionized in practice. Thus, for instance, after the earthly family is discovered to be the secret of the holy family, the former must then itself be destroyed in theory and in practice (my emphasis.)

This last line is really important, and underrated. By the time society has developed to the point where philosophers are able to criticize parts of it, the object of critique has already completely negated, and replaced the subject.

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his natural superiors, and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous cash payment. It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, unconscionable freedom – Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.

Obviously to us, the holy family was based around the nuclear family, but when its hegemony was developing it wasn't clear what was happening. Violence and repression destroyed the old, and ideology recontextualized the new order Only once a totality is established, and the new relations negated and replaced the basis for it, could society begin to criticize it. By that time it is impossible to negate the negation without a social transformation that eliminates the material (productive) basis for the domination of the church. By the time of Feuerbach, the development of capitalism had been underway for 200+ years. The basis for the philosophers to criticize the church in this way was a material productive change to society, not the independent development of philosophical thought.

In the time of Marx and Feuerbach, there was a material, productive change in the works (Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, Sec 1):

Reason became the sole measure of everything. It was the time when, as Hegel says, the world stood upon its head first in the sense that the human head, and the principles arrived at by its thought, claimed to be the basis of all human action and association; but by and by, also, in the wider sense that the reality which was in contradiction to these principles had, in fact, to be turned upside down. Every form of society and government then existing, every old traditional notion, was flung into the lumber-room as irrational; the world had hitherto allowed itself to be led solely by prejudices; everything in the past deserved only pity and contempt. Now, for the first time, appeared the light of day, the kingdom of reason; henceforth superstition, injustice, privilege, oppression, were to be superseded by eternal truth, eternal Right, equality based on Nature and the inalienable rights of man.

We know today that this kingdom of reason was nothing more than the idealized kingdom of the bourgeoisie; that this eternal Right found its realization in bourgeois justice; that this equality reduced itself to bourgeois equality before the law, that bourgeois property was proclaimed as one of the essential rights of man; and that the government of reason, the Contrat Social of Rousseau, came into being, and only could come into being, as a democratic bourgeois republic. The great thinkers of the 18th century could, no more than their predecessors, go beyond the limits imposed upon them by their epoch.

Capitalism and industrialization had already demolished the basis of Christ and King. A new ruling class was ascendent, needing only to topple the old power, which had disassembled piece by piece, holding by holding, the basis of material power of the church, first through the enclosure and then through the enlightenment. In Feuerbach's case, he was standing at the end of an epoch, trying to jury rig the declining social power of the church into a secular framing that had no real basis. Feuerbach's materialism still contained an idealism that did not reflect reality, it abstracted the human subject in a way that obscured people's actual conditions. It was an idealist philosophy with a materialist character.

On the other hand, the productive bourgeois had also developed their own materialism which was legitimately revolutionary. Science, manufacturing, abstraction of human labor into dead labor, (an example of abstraction that is not pure thought) was the material basis of a new society. But since it was based in class society, it contains an idealist character, namely that some parts of nature are necessarily dominant over other parts.

So now we have two sides of a dialectic. Feuerbach's subject -- idealist philosophy with a materialist character; and the bourgeois object -- material revolution with an idealist character. Both contain the same fundamental idealism: the abstraction of real thinking, feeling, living, laboring people. Feuerbach's philosophy imagines people that don't exist objectively in any time or place, a subject without object. Bourgeois revolution considers people only mechanically, abstracting their time and labor into the value of commodities, an object without a subject.

Here are the conditions for Marx to turn Hegel on his head. The materialist character of Feuerbach's philosophy is what negates the idealist character of bourgeois revolution.

This forms the basis of Marxism, both positively and negatively. In the positive it is a practical, scientific transformation of society that centers real people and our experiences. In the negative, it is a movement of the masses (not a privileged minority), it is scientific and materialist (not idealist), that is based in people's action, need, and inner life, (not abstract rationalized "humans").

You are right, I also do not view the object and subject as "fused" since that indicates a static inseparable thing. For me, dialectics is like a motor, with a subject on one end and an object on the other. In the case of Marxism, which resolves the contradictions of idealist philosophy and bourgeois production, the object and subject are connected by human practice and experience, like the belt that drives both sides. Practice transfers power from the subject to the object, and experience transfers power from the object to the subject.

With regard to consciousness, I tend to think of it not as a separate thing but as its own dialectic. Again, I do not like to think of consciousness like a thing that happens inside the mind of an individual. I mean, obviously there is a subjective side, but as a matter of emphasis I think that generally, consciousness is only thought of in this way. Consciousness also has an objective, structural side that does not get much consideration, although Lenin almost exclusively refers to it in this way.

[–] GeckoChamber@hexbear.net 10 points 4 days ago (1 children)

The actionable thing we can get from this observation, outside of unlikely conlang projects, is the question of how we should steer the social process of Naming new things. How do we make names that are the smallest possible obstacle to understanding?

Are the best names the ones that do not contain important information about the object, like Tories, Weeaboos, and Hexbear? Though this is hard to apply to objects that appear to us as physical items, like a book.

Should we name things after their main relations, their main contradictions? Should a book be called a Writerwork-reading? Writerwork-published-reading? Writerwork-intertextual-published-reading? It's getting a little unwieldy, maybe logographic languages were right all along.

we should describe everything with some kind of hashing function of the atoms or waveforms that constitute it and their relative positions and rotations.

that's not a book it's {a bunch of quantum physics equations longer than the text of the book}

[–] Awoo@hexbear.net 9 points 4 days ago (2 children)

I think this is why we end up with a lot of "Is China socialist?" type questions and answers that just look at whether the thing right now fits some abstract definition.

This occurs because the people on the "no" side of the question have a dogmatic definition of socialism as a fully socialist economy rather than socialism as a process from A(capitalism) to B(communism). Those of us with the latter definition have a very easy time understanding China is still socialist whereas those with an economic dogma claim it is not.

How would one express that differently to eliminate the alternative explanations? I haven't a clue tbh.

[–] TreadOnMe@hexbear.net 4 points 4 days ago* (last edited 4 days ago)

It's the difference between those who view socialism as a species of being (which is not what Marx talks about, but is what the utopian socialists talked about) v.s. a process of becoming (which is what Marx talks about). You cannot effectively 'eliminate' the other understanding because they are both well within the socialist tradition.

What we can do is try to isolate communism from this due to the processual nature that Marx discusses. The issue of course is that Marx is asking us to embark upon a great journey of trial and error with an uncertain destination, but one that is undoubtedly freer than what we were doing before.

A journey people usually only take when they have little left to lose.

[–] AssortedBiscuits@hexbear.net 3 points 4 days ago

One side is dialectical while the other side is not. Embracing dialectics means understanding reality as a dizzying collection of processes going from one point to another intersecting with each other at unexpected points.

You can see this in the way nondialectical leftists attempt to delineate the transitional period towards communism. Everything that happens before communism is itself the transitional period. Socialism is one, but so is capitalism. Capitalism is merely the transitional period from feudalism to socialism. This is the theoretical bedrock in which the NEP stood on. If capitalism is nothing more than a transitional period from feudalism to socialism, then this transitional period can be closely monitored and controlled by a socialist vanguard party for the sake of transforming their country's mode of production from feudalism towards socialism.

Hell, the entirety of class society is nothing more than a transitional period from communalism towards communism. Should humanity succeed in FALGSC, class society would be seen as nothing more than an awkward adolescent period of human history.

[–] bobs_guns@lemmygrad.ml 9 points 4 days ago

Let me know when you make some progress on the conlang...

[–] juice_@hexbear.net 5 points 4 days ago* (last edited 4 days ago)

There's def some truth here, and some value to analysing language to understand hegemony and power. Gramsci in particular is good with this analysis. As a linguist, his deep understanding of the functions and origins of language, overlaid with the history of the spread of the Florentine dialect during the Risorgimento, forms one of the pillars of his formulation of hegemony.

However, I am of the opinion, as an emphasis if not a rule, that if we are doing epistemology, we are not doing praxis. I'm not convinced that the dynamics you describe are inherent to language itself. I think they are cultural, political, moral framings rather than a limitation of this or that specific language. We don't have to learn German to understand Marx. The limitations imposed on language and thought are a much larger project that exist in education, mass media, cultural production.

The problem with consciousness isnt a problem of language, but that the culture, morals, and politics, the superstructure, conceives of things too abstractly: "The highest point reached by contemplative materialism, that is, materialism which does not comprehend sensuousness as practical activity, is the contemplation of single individuals and of civil society." We can imagine the individual, and we can imagine society, but we can't see how individuals create society or how individualism is a social relation/construction.

The problem with abstraction, is a lack of concreteness. Lenin wrote in 1903, "Truth is always concrete." You are absolutely correct to say that the problem with consciousness is a problem of abstraction. People conceive of "things" as idealized Platonic forms that are static and immutable. The conception of things literally resists formulating a theory of change, "that the thing, reality, sensuousness, is conceived only in the form of the object or of contemplation, but not as sensuous human activity, practice, not subjectively."

In practice, this looks like making generalizations and then treating those generalizations as truth. Practical Marxism means going into the social conditions of workers and the oppressed, organizing people to discuss, articulate, and critique their own experiences, organizing more deeply on the basis of those newly understood conditions, and proving the power of shared experiences and active solidarity. The contradictions are right there, people know them because it is our lives. But because we lack a way of thinking about our experiences without using abstract categories, comparing ourselves to an ideal, or within the context of social hierarchies, all social contradictions are projected on the individual -- itself a historical social relation.

I'd recommend reviewing Theses on Feuerbach and the German Ideology, deep diving into Gramsci (I can get you a reading list on exactly this topic so you can speed run), revisiting Lenin not for his particular conclusions but the way he develops his case for political action, he was a master at political concreteness. I'm also a particular fan of Paulo Friere's pedagogy, which IMO is the most direct method to developing this kind of concreteness in criticism, and the best explanation of how and why to be concrete.

Good post, my only criticism is the emphasis on language, which becomes an idealized abstraction. By uncritically placing the burden on the linguistics, as a category removed from the people who speak it and use it to convey meaning, you are reproducing the same errors you are trying identify.

[–] purpleworm@hexbear.net 5 points 4 days ago

I think this is why we end up with a lot of "Is China socialist?" type questions and answers that just look at whether the thing right now fits some abstract definition. It's trying to put the thing into a nice little box that we can understand.

Is socialism comprehensible or is it mystical? If it is comprehensible, then we should be able to give it a definition. The question is what the definition is, not if definitions are tyranny.

[–] electric_nan@lemmy.ml 5 points 4 days ago

The struggle is due to pervasive propaganda. It's not that our language is insufficient, it's that we've had generations of people be deliberately misinformed. They already have "context", it's just wrong/fake context. That takes effort to overcome.

[–] Renin@hexbear.net 4 points 4 days ago

That is a very interesting theory, maybe we should try to build a new socialist culture from scratch.

Jokes aside, language is a tool for communication and sometimes miscommunication happens. Like when the Aliens fly to Washington with their flying saucer and peaceful Americans come to greet them, turns out in the Alien language Peace = War and then naturally the Aliens start blasting everyone, because the aliens can build inter-galactic travel devices, but aren't rational enough to assume that other people have different languages, that maybe it was a misunderstanding.

On the flipside you have a different movie where the Alien doesn't talk at all, but is intelligent enough to asses lack of threat. Something that very often seems to be very challenging for us to do. These concepts exist even within Dog doodoo Capitalist Imperialist societies and philosophers have interpreted the world in various ways.

[–] kleeon@hexbear.net 3 points 4 days ago

:wittgenstein-chad:

[–] SchillMenaker@hexbear.net 2 points 4 days ago
[–] Civility@hexbear.net 2 points 4 days ago
[–] gayspacemarxist@hexbear.net 1 points 4 days ago* (last edited 4 days ago) (1 children)

Alright then, sounds like its time for a new dialectical conlang (constructed language)! Its a lot of work, but soon you could be expressing your self dialectically without the restrictions of indo european grammar.

Consider Ithkuil or something simple like toki pona as examples of what a conlang definition looks like.

I'm not personally a proponent of strong linguistic determinism, but I do accept that language can influence how we think about things. Though I think that has more to do with meaning than form, its still fun to play with language and see where new constructions take you. At the very least this is an interesting premise for a constructed language, even if it doesn't automatically make you a Marxist.

[–] juice_@hexbear.net 5 points 4 days ago (1 children)

Worth noting that Gramsci, a trained linguist, analysed of the spread of the Florentine dialect during the Risorgimento, demonstrating how language spreads according to the struggle of Piedmont-Savoy to dominate and unify Italy, not a product of organic adoption of language based on its inherent descriptive qualities. Mass adoption of new languages is a performance of power, so adoption will be dependent on seizing power, not the other way around.

[–] gayspacemarxist@hexbear.net 2 points 3 days ago

There's a ton of conlangs out there that only 1 person speaks.

[–] GrouchyGrouse@hexbear.net 1 points 4 days ago

Interesting ideas, one thing that occurs to me is that language evolves and this problem might resolve itself as socialism becomes more broadly understood and discussed with new terminology and concepts emerging organically from those discussions.