“Purity politics.” We’ve been hearing the term—along with its cognate, “purist”—since at least the 2000 presidential race, when frantic liberals repeatedly applied it to supporters of Green Party candidate Ralph Nader. “Your purity politics are going to cost Al Gore the election,” Democratic Party loyalists liked to say.
The term can also impugn anyone who rejects (or merely criticizes) a politician affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America [DSA]. “You purists are allergic to power,” DSA loyalists like to say.
The idea is that the purist has unrealistic standards and makes everything worse by refusing to support a lesser evil (or an imperfect socialist). In some contexts, “purity” has positive connotations, but this version of the term highlights its negative qualities: moralism, naivete, obstinacy. The purist is a liability to the successful implementation of socialism in the United States.
These days, DSA loyalists can be found liberally applying the term to anti-Zionist critics of Zohran Mamdani, who has spent the past few months tiptoeing away from the Palestine solidarity movement, and Graham Platner, who has spent a significant portion of his adult life participating in violence against Arabs and Afghans. Loyalists did the same to anti-Zionist critics of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bernie Sanders. (The anti-Zionists proved correct in both cases, but being correct is a detriment in today’s pundit economy. Being wrong on behalf of the right celebrity is the smarter career move.)
Progressives apply the term to democratic socialists. Democratic socialists, in turn, apply the term to actual socialists. Basically, the term is a left-punching catchall for garden-variety liberals no matter how they self-identify. The term itself is the tell.
Nobody gets branded a “purist” more frequently than people who refuse to compromise their opposition to Zionism on behalf of an aspiring DSA politician. It is a parochial accusation. Palestine, after all, is not any American’s compromise to make. The accusation tells us nothing of value about either Zionism or anti-Zionism and doesn’t even pretend to give a damn about Palestinians. In fact, the only thing the term illuminates is a lack of imagination among those who use it.
What does it mean to be pure in the political arena, which is universally considered dirty? It means nothing, which is the point of the accusation. It is way of expunging anti-Zionism from the moral calculus of electoralism. If politics is a dirty business, then there is no place for principle or sincerity. These qualities merely get in the way of what pragmatists routinely defeated by power like to call “winning.”
There’s something deeply American about the notion of “purity.” It puts one in mind of colonists with white frocks and shoe buckles. The imagery makes sense considering that use of the term immediately betrays a settler’s mentality. Purist! Purism! Purity politics! An unacknowledged irony informs the accusation: the accuser wants to finally create a social order which eliminates the problem of the native, that timeless nuisance, that age-old impediment to a sublime new world. Thus the irony: the renunciation of purity reifies precisely what is being renounced.
The indignant pragmatist always punching left doesn’t want to avoid purity. He thinks that avoiding purity is his strategy, but only because he is even more confused about language than he is about politics. His actual desire is to cleanse the left of impurities that might disrupt the ascent of a new influencer class in the United States. The entire production is rooted in U.S. exceptionalism, particularly in its positioning of Palestine as a faraway problem that needs to be deferred or diminished. The language of purity means nothing without the resurrection of America as its ultimate goal. That goal is anathema to Palestinian liberation.
And so the indignant pragmatist repeats bromides like “don’t let the perfect be the enemy of the good,” another formulation that consigns Palestine to a utopian realm extraneous to the material world. Palestine is a luxury, the bromide suggests, not an essential element of our politics. Moreover, the bromide contradicts its own apparent generosity because while the indignant pragmatist positions Palestine in opposition to “the good,” he clearly doesn’t view it as “the perfect,” either. It would be much easier if Palestine just went away.
In the end, accusing anti-Zionists of “purism” or “purity politics” when they criticize superstar politicians for dissembling about Palestine (usually after having used Palestine to build their credibility) is an evasion. It allows the accuser to avoid confronting the inherent limitations of a polity he is determined to redeem. Palestine already has been overrun by strangers with a sanctified image of themselves. Meanwhile, advocates of its liberation get upbraided by Americans for daring to trespass onto a sanctified political terrain.
The feeling of rage that arises from being called a purist in relation to Palestine isn’t a character flaw; rage is an appropriate response to being told that grown-up thinking requires us to meet genocide with a purely frivolous politics.