Anarchism

Channel: Current Affairs

One in four Minnesota voters took part in January 23 day of action, or had a loved one who did. That means ~815k Minnesotans participated in the shutdown and ~310k in the strike. That would make Minnesota’s January 23 general strike one of the largest in history. Sarah Lazare, Thomas Birmingham and Ari Bloomekatz ||

So, ive been thinking about how my trauma effects my politics. This may shock some of you, but a lot of my radicalizing experiences were pretty fucking traumatizing. Resistance is part of how i cope, how i keep from killing myself, how i get up in the morning after all the shit I've survived. I am under no illusions that I am emotionally healthy.

But that doesn't just go one direction. How do we define and explore the pathology of boot licking, of continued obedience, of feeling perfectly fine and like it's 'just another day and wow yeah something scary must be on if the US marines are deployed down the street, i hope they get the bad guys soon!'?

Because this is a dangerous delusion. It is blatantly and violently counterfactual. So what the fuck? Pathologically stable attachment? Hypersucceotability to delusion?

How do we figure out what a healthy person and healthy context for them to exist in would even fucking look like?

I don't just want to call the pathologically compliant names here¹. I want to figure out what breaks a person like this so we can fucking fix it. I want theories with actual utility in something adjacent to the situationist tradition.

¹'boot licker' is perfectly suitable and requires no further theorizing. Not that I don't also want to call them that.

Even in conversation with other leftists I hear people talk about how so and so doesn't have good leadership skills or want someone to be a better leader. It's getting to me in a way I probably shouldn't allow it to, but I feel like that mentality is antithetical to the goal of communism and will only delay its arrival. How do we change that rhetoric?

I'm hoping this is the right comm for this sort of post, please direct me if a more suitable place exists.

Edit: I'm not specifically talking about politics. I'm also talking about leadership talk in the workplace.

Hey y'all! Here we are reading and discussing Section C.9 of AFAQ the following 2(!) weeks, which is about whether laissez-faire policies reduce unemployment, as supporters of "free market" capitalism claim?! I will update the title each week and I will re-ping you here each week.

Happy reading!

• Section C.9: https://anarchistfaq.org/afaq/sectionC.html#secc9

There is also an EPUB version of AFAQ, courtesy of @irelephant@lemmy.dbzer0.com: here

If you'd like to join, please comment and we'll ping you next post.

Link to last week's read: https://lemmy.dbzer0.com/post/61828798

PS. Feedback request: How did you find last week's reading pace? Fast/Slow/OK/etc.?

cross-posted from: https://hexbear.net/post/7503762

cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/23895

On the same day community members gathered to grieve the killing of Renee Good at the hands of an ICE agent in Minneapolis, something shifted in downtown Portland, Oregon. What began as a vigil and flag burning across from the federal courthouse transformed, almost organically, into an autonomous zone that held space through the night and reignited a conversation many people have been having quietly for months: What if mourning isn’t enough? What if we actually hold ground?

“What started as a permanent vigil just… grew,” one participant said. “People had yarn in their pockets and wrapped it around a corner of the park, and that became the seeds for the first barricade. Then folks were like, fuck it, and started dragging street barricades over. It all snowballed from there.”

Earlier that evening, a large rally had taken place at City Hall, organized by groups including DSA. Like many mass demonstrations, it drew a crowd, delivered speeches, and then… ended after an hour. People began to disperse. And as they did, frustration was audible.

“There were people literally walking away saying, ‘That’s it? That’s all we’re gonna fucking do?’” they recalled. “A lot of those same people ended up coming over where the flags were burning.”

Just a block away, others had already begun something different. A vigil was forming in Chapman Square, a park across the street from the federal courthouse. American flags were burned in protest. Candles and offerings appeared. Yarn was strung around a corner of the park, a small, almost symbolic boundary.

Then people who had just left the larger rally started walking over. They didn’t just watch. They joined.

More makeshift barriers appeared. Street materials were dragged into place. What had been described as a vigil quickly became a defended space. Not through a centralized call, but through a shared feeling: we can’t just march, go home, and wait for the next tragedy to listen to all the same speeches again.

photos from the permanent vigil

“It was a rebellion,” they said. “Not just about Renee. It was about everything that led to her murder. It was people saying, we’re done responding passively.”

While Renee Good’s murder was the immediate spark, participants say the space was about more than a single event. It was about the cycle people are exhausted by… outrage, march, speeches, dispersal, repeat. All while the systems responsible for this violence remain untouched.

This time, instead of dispersing, people stayed.

Indigenous community members played a central role in establishing a sacred fire at the site, grounding the space in ceremony, remembrance, and resistance. People said this was also a way to honor earlier anti-ICE organizing that began in Portland in January 2025, when Indigenous community members held weekly sacred fires outside the ICE facility long before summer crowds grew.

That history often gets erased. This space made it visible again. “This was about honoring the people who paved the way.”

“It set an amazing tone,” the participant said. “You had Indigenous community members who don’t just show up when something’s trending. Their whole existence is resisting settler colonialism. Being in space with that guidance changed how people understood what we were doing.”

Photos of barricades at the vigil

The fire burned from around 8:30 p.m. until roughly 10 a.m. the next morning, the sacred fire burned for about 14 hours before police moved in at a moment when many supporters had gone to provide court support elsewhere. Participants say the timing was deliberate.

But it didn’t end there.

On January 9th, a few days after Good was murdered by ICE, Border Patrol shot Luis David Nino-Moncada and Yorlenys Betzabeth Zambrano-Contreras, a Venezuelan couple in Portland, Oregon. The sacred fire returned, this time in a location chosen with sharper political symbolism. The new site sat within view of the county jail (often called the “(in)Justice Center”), the federal courthouse, and City Hall.

“These institutions claim to represent justice. The fire was there to say otherwise.”

The second gathering expanded beyond vigil into political education and open discussion. People spoke not only about grief, but about responsibility, naming City Hall’s role in permitting the ICE facility, the courts’ role in deportation pipelines, and the broader illusion that these institutions are neutral.

“This time it was way more intentional,” the participant said. “The sacred fire represents truth. And it was surrounded by institutions of lies.”

At one point late in the night, a small group of right-wing agitators drove by and attempted to provoke people at the fire. Those present faced a choice: extinguish the fire to prevent harassment, or hold their ground.

They chose to stay.

The agitators eventually left. The fire kept burning.

For those there, the moment was symbolic of something larger: when people remain rooted together, especially under Indigenous guidance and ceremony, intimidation loses some of its power.

Participants drew connections between the autonomous zone and other forms of repression in Portland, especially police harassment of mutual aid groups and community resource distros. In those cases, simply feeding people or existing in shared public space has drawn heavy police presence and legal threats.

To many involved, the message from the state is clear:
Autonomy itself is what’s criminalized.

In that context, defending a vigil, holding a sacred fire, and refusing to disperse becomes more than symbolic. It becomes a direct challenge to who is allowed to occupy land, make decisions, and care for community outside state control.

Both nights of the autonomous space coincided with other actions happening across Portland, including large demonstrations at the ICE facility. With multiple events unfolding at once, police resources were stretched thin. Participants say that mattered.

It was a reminder of an old movement lesson: authorities can easily manage one large, predictable protest. They struggle when resistance becomes decentralized, simultaneous, and self-directed.

People came to mourn Renee Good. They stayed because mourning alone felt like surrender.

What emerged downtown wasn’t a perfectly planned occupation or a pre-announced autonomous zone. It was something messier and more alive: a community deciding, in real time, not to go home.

And in that decision, to hold a fire, to defend space, to gather under Indigenous guidance, to speak openly about the failures of local institutions, many participants say they glimpsed something that felt less like protest and more like practice.

Not just responding to violence.
But rehearsing a world beyond it.

From We Will Free Us via This RSS Feed.

cross-posted from: https://hexbear.net/post/7478370

cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/23096

Before Thanksgiving 2025, the Department of Homeland Security set its sights on North Carolina. Since launching Operation Charlotte’s Web, a multiagency campaign of terror and abduction directed against the state’s non-white immigrant population, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) have made more than 400 arrests while local businesses have shuttered and student absences have skyrocketed.1

But workers and students in the bull city did not take this invasion lying down. In this interview, Shan, a Durham-based public school teacher, shares about the initially “chaotic” response to raids—and the organized response before, during, and after them. Widespread pressure and fast-acting responses coordinated by the local teacher’s union, community groups, parents, and students won important protections and paved the way for continued resistance to state terror in their schools.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

by Juan Verala Luz

Juan Verala Luz (JVL): When you first learned ICE was planning to invade North Carolina, how did you and other educators prepare?

Shan (S): Local nonprofits and other community groups have long prepped for that sort of thing.2 As far as I know, in recent years, there’s never been Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) coming along with ICE. Given what was already happening in Charlotte, it was pretty scary how close it was and the sheer number of people snatched in such a short amount of time.

I definitely don’t think school staff were really prepared at all. It wasn’t a thing where I felt like I knew what exactly to do. A lot of people were asking questions about it as things were happening. We blame the school district administration for that disorganization.

With schools, the nice thing is that we already kind of have a natural network, because parents, students, workers are all kind of connected. So it was almost easy in a sense to mobilize around it. We didn’t have to really convince each other. We all came together very organically.

JVL: How did you “organically” come together? Were you explicitly coordinating responses together, or recognizing from a distance each other’s role in confronting this operation?

S: During Operation Charlotte’s Web, our worker organization was really focused on pushing immigrant protection policies at our upcoming second meet-and-confer session.3 We were trying to argue for a robust ICE policy that provides all the resources possible, such as Red Cards, “Know Your Rights” information, and comprehensive training for staff as part of our platform, so our capacity was highly limited.4

Because we were so out of capacity, community groups really stepped up. At the high school levels, the students self-organized and did a walkout in at least two of the schools, if not more.5 A lot of parent organizations and outside nonprofits cohered together and reached out to us. We were able to provide a lot of contacts at different schools because we already had Durham Association of Educators leaders and that connected network.

I became one of the captains of a school so that I could coordinate with parents. I remember being in meetings with hundreds of people to plan our response. We told people to come to a spot to make sure we watch for any suspicious vehicles coming through the schools. We also held signs to show we really support students and all that, like, you’re welcomed here. Because it was right around the time of Thanksgiving break, parents wanted to make sure that for families that were afraid to go out to get food for whatever reason, they had food delivered to their houses, so they organized a food drive.

It was kind of like having a morale boost in those scary times from parents.

JVL: You mentioned your union was focused on the meet-and-confer immigrant protection policy. Walk me through how the team brought it to the school district.

S: Immigrant protections were definitely something that was on the top of our minds after Trump got re-elected. Durham has actually protected a student from deportation with a policy at the time that got adopted, so it was already drafted.6 We’re trying to push the district to readopt that policy.7

A lot of staff members and workers in my school who don’t read up on stuff like that would be really confused about how to help students. They’re, like, “Well, what if ICE agents show up? What should I do?” We also wanted to make sure that other staff members are protected too, because we have staff members who are international teachers and workers. If the district would train and have a more systematic approach so that we’re all in it together, we could respond a lot faster and more effectively. Most of the stuff administrators put out these days are just vague platitudes, like “Oh, we care and believe in protecting families. We believe that all children deserve education.” I’m like, “Okay, that’s nice, but what can we do concretely?”

In the first session, when we started the conversation, the district was very reluctant to re-adopt the policy and was very defensive generally. They said “I don’t really want to get targeted by ICE.” We’re like, “Well, ICE is gonna come anyway, doesn’t really matter if you say it publicly here or not.”

Once ICE was in town, it was one of those things where the point was proven. Because things were so really red hot, the administration really couldn’t wiggle out of that. We have open meetings between our team, their team, and we as members of the public are all sitting there, all 200 some of us. A lot of the district meet-and-confer team members are very angry that we’re even there to begin with; they have to really show their faces. If they said anything that was against the immigrant protection policy, I think it would have been game over, publicity-wise.

JVL: Have you won anything since ICE came to Durham?

S:  Because of all the organic community organizing, the union pushing, and now with ICE coming, the timing ended up being good for us in terms of winning more specific things, more commitments from the district. They agreed to provide Red Cards in all the schools. They agreed to work on the immigrant protection policy and the training.

The victory isn’t just the things that were provided in the moment, but also the fact that we now have this network and structure set up. We know this was a kind of last-minute scramble, and we’re trying to refine it, but in case this happens in the future, we already have the structure to respond to it and that will be sustained. We never know when they’re going to come and ICE is always here, but I feel a lot more prepared both mentally and materially.

JVL: What lessons are you taking with you to prepare for ICE’s return?

S: Community organization really works: having people mobilize and be visible to take that strong stand that we’re not tolerating ICE matters. I can’t say for sure but I know that when they came to the Triangle area and we had all these protests and more visibility, they didn’t stay for long. Making sure that we have lots of people there protecting each other, I think that was really important.

Because we were already having that conversation about immigrant defense, I think that helped all of us jump in and take action. Leveraging all those networks and on-the-ground mass organizations is very helpful. Think about what kind of people and organizations you have rather than going through the legal route. I think it will be good for any kind of organization to think about setting up that type of structure so that ICE can’t hit anywhere and everywhere.

If you enjoyed this article, we also recommend our guide for Organizing to Keep ICE Out of Your Workplace.

Notes

1. For a substantive look at Operation Charlotte’s Web’s development and impacts, see https://www.wbtv.com/2025/12/03/425-arrested-operation-charlottes-web-federal-officials-say/. ↩︎
2. One noteworthy example is Siembra NC. Even before Trump’s 2024 electoral victory, the organization had been hosting packed “Know Your Rights” training and readying rapid response networks. Learn more about their work in this interview with co-founder Nikki Marín Baena: https://truthout.org/audio/fight-fear-build-power-community-defense-works/. ↩︎
3. North Carolina’s right-to-work legislation forbids public-sector collective bargaining. Meet-and-confer, wherein district administrators and workers’ associations negotiate over non-binding priorities they recommend that the board of education adopts, is “as close as you can get to” it, explained Shan. ↩︎
4. Typically printed on bright red cardstock, Red Cards are wallet-sized reminders about constitutional rights and an enumerated list of steps for exercising them during encounters with federal law enforcement. The Immigrant Legal Resource Center (ILRC) makes printable PDFs available in over 50 languages; see https://www.ilrc.org/redcards.  ↩︎
5. An account of the walkouts can be read at https://dukechronicle.com/article/duke-university-durham-demonstration-protest-ice-border-patrol-immigration-high-school-durham-public-schools-north-carolina-charlotte-walkout-20251122. ↩︎
6. To learn more about this powerful example from 2016, see https://inthesetimes.com/article/wildin-acosta-ice-teacher-union-north-carolina-right-to-work-deportation. ↩︎
7. Details of the revised 2017 policy can be found at https://www.campussafetymagazine.com/news/durham-strengthens-policy-protecting-immigrant-students/35797/. ↩︎

The post How Teachers, Students, and Parents are Organizing to Keep ICE Out of Durham Schools appeared first on Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation.

From Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation via This RSS Feed.

I strongly disagree with the text. I understand it as the author doesn't want the people of Iran to liberate themselves from tyranny, because then they would be controlled by US which is also tyrannic. But not supporting people liberating themselves because one feels like they know better than the people seems just like the imperialist logic, just reversed. What are your thoughts? Does the text reflect common opinion among anarchists?

cross-posted from: https://hexbear.net/post/7454332

cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/22689

TotW: Meaningful OpSec thecollective Sun, 01/25/2026 - 08:00

MEANINGFUL OPSEC; OR, NOW, YOU DON’T HAVE A PERSONAL FBI AGENT

I’ve been considering operational security and security culture a lot since the Turtle Island Liberation Front (TILF) case broke. For such a small group, about seven people, two were feds (well, one was a paid informant, the other was an FBI agent).

I am reminded of the joke myth of a CPUSA meeting that a federal infiltrator attends in order to arrest the attendees. Then all the other members are also feds. Cue the laugh track.

Despite the colossal fuck-up of being infiltrated, TILF had a plan that seemed based in strong Opsec. From The United States District Court For The Central District Of California: “The plan described multiple operational security measures the co-conspirators should take to conceal their identities, such as the use of a burner phone that would be disposed of after the bombings by ‘submerging it in a concrete brick after destroying the sim and then disposing of the brick in a body of water.’” and: the use of ‘BlacBloc’ overtop of a layer of ‘grey/casual bloc’ on top of normal street clothes, and noted to keep hair very tightly concealed and to wear gloves for the purpose of avoidance of leaving behind DNA” further: “participants should leave their personal devices at home and to make sure the devices were set up to stream a long movie during the time of the attacks, so as to craft an alibi.” Even a pebble in the show to alter their walking and material acquisition advice to avoid suspicion, were discussed.

A question I am stuck on is how can you have thought through these particular aspects of prep work and on the ground Opsec and allow yourself to be infiltrated by two Feds? As a friend said, “Because their security was missing the trees for the forest.”

From CrimethInc’s “What is Security Culture?” The difference between protocol and culture is that culture becomes unconscious, instinctive, and thus effortless; once the safest possible behavior has become habitual for everyone in the circles in which you travel, you can spend less time and energy emphasizing the need for it, or suffering the consequences of not having it, or worrying about how much danger you’re in, as you’ll know you’re already doing everything you can to be careful. It seems, from what is available, TILF had strong protocols for their “Operation Midnight Sun,” but not a real culture to develop secure, safe relationships to avoid infiltration. They posted calls for direct action and revolution on social media, one that was easily connected to a member of TILF (and thus, the radical section that sought to do the attack). They let relatively new people into the plan: the informant and later the FBI agent. The difference in attitudes about security by the same people is striking.

By having a strong focus (and in the case of TILF, reasonable ones in regards to the plan) on only some parts of Security Culture and not a whole picture, you leave gaps in the culture. For most people, this is “well, the feds are watching” and thus their security culture centers that primary concern, as opposed to it being part of a wider network of concerns. And let us be real: most of us do not have the feds particularly watching our actions or groupings, outside of the concerns of a general surveillance state. This all comes at the expense of, say, local cops, right-wing agitators, or the common person who may overhear or see something they shouldn’t.

So, while TILF did have personal FBI agents inside their network, it was because of a failure of their security culture leading up to that point. Had it been a stronger culture, maybe “Operation Midnight Sun” would have been another CNN news segment we’d forget by the next day.

Questions

What security concerns do you find are most overlooked in anarchist circles? What about overdone?

How are security concerns changing in light of the development of companies like Flock Safety, Oracle and Palantir?

What are ways security culture and protocols change between anarchist groupings, particularly those separated by geography? (Say, in different cities or countries)

From anarchistnews.org - We create the anarchy we want in the world via This RSS Feed.

On Saturday, January 24, an ICE agent murdered Alex Pretti in Minneapolis. In response, people drove ICE and Minneapolis police out of the neighborhood.

The Russian government were suspected as being responsible as part of their hybrid war against Europe. According to the Institute for the Study of War, isolated events of explosions and arson were recorded last year in Poland, and four suspected saboteurs were detained in Latvia, Germany and the UK.

There was also speculation that the Russians had used AI to draft the confession letter. In it, the Vulkangruppe mentioned other attacks carried out under the same banner in the past decade: against “Adlerhof Technology Park, Tesla’s Gigafactory in 2021 and 2024, the infrastructure of the Vattenfall Reuter coal-fired power plant, and the Vodafone hub in Adlershof.” However, unlike all the claims of responsibility that came with those actions, the current letter did not mention the word “capitalism” even once, instead using the obscure term “imperial lifestyle”.

cross-posted from: https://slrpnk.net/post/33276904

Yeah basically the title. A group I am part of does not really see all the "unorganized" anarchists as part of their potential partners for action&projects. Thats why I am looking for experiences, examples and even theoretical texts that explore the cooperation of these different flavors of anarchism.

I found these small labels that I want to type stuff on and stick them around town.

I need ideas.

They can fit 150 characters at most.

Update: thanks for all the suggestions, I will definitely use some of those.

cross-posted from: https://hexbear.net/post/7430176

cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/22192

Resistance to state terror, particularly ICE terror, is growing deeper and wider across the country. On January 23rd Minneapolis will be at the forefront of this fightback, launching the first city-wide mass strike in response to an ICE occupation of the city.

Black Rose/Rosa Negra’s (BRRN) External Education Committee (EEC) offers this editorial statement on what appears to be the opening of a new phase in the struggle against ICE.

by BRRN External Education Committee

On January 23rd, Minnesotans will make history with a mass strike demanding ICE out of their city. Teachers, healthcare staff, transit drivers, communication technicians, and other workers will stay off the job; faith leaders will rally congregants into the streets; and rapid response networks will redouble their efforts to thwart ICE from terrorizing Latino and Somali neighbors. Shutting down the city demonstrates the need for large-scale, disruptive direct action to beat back the violent advance of authoritarianism in our workplaces, schools, and neighborhoods.

In Minneapolis and around the country, the George Floyd Rebellion looms large in memory. The burning of the Third Precinct exposed how vulnerable the state’s repressive infrastructure is when confronted by overwhelming numbers. Strategically, however, the Rebellion showed the limits of large scale mobilization, even as it took on an insurrectionary character at times. Mass organizations such as tenant unions and popular assemblies in neighborhoods; student unions in schools; and militant labor unions in workplaces act to embed, sustain, and sharpen diffuse popular fury into popular power.

Without independent mass organizations that allow us to develop our own strategy to determine where social movements go next, even the most antagonistic street movements have shown themselves susceptible to pacification by NGOs, union bureaucracies, and the Democratic Party.

Millions of people disgusted with the Trump administration’s fascist maneuvers have learned vital lessons about sustaining struggle. As we highlighted in our recent conjunctural analysis, spectacular, symbolic demonstrations that released social discontent have been displaced by everyday people developing and expanding infrastructure for defense. Angelinos rapidly spread pioneering responses to National Guard and ICE deployments in Southern California during summer 2025. Chicagoans, Memphians, and now Minnesotans have adapted those tactics, techniques, and strategies to protect their neighbors against ICE surges in their cities.

Rather than standing as fodder for symbolic arrest in front of police lines, people have learned how to throw sand into the gears of state machinery. Direct action blocks ICE from kidnapping their friends and family, and it exemplifies to others how they can shape history. These actions, and others like them, have increasingly gained at least tepid support from local and state officials. Nods to backing mass civil disobedience have only come after everyday people have acted and won. The political class cannot and will not lead us; its members fearfully trail movements they anticipate “getting out of hand.”

By not just declaring, but actually building toward a general strike, workers, neighbors, and students in Minneapolis demonstrate popular power in action. This approach doesn’t rely on political brokers to act on their behalf, nor does it resort to anonymous flyers or social media posts expecting spontaneous social explosions.

A general strike takes sincere, courageous, and widespread solidarity. It takes mass and political organizations – many with which we may share sharp disagreements – working in tandem to turn out their membership and allies to buy nothing, suspend work, and disrupt business as usual. It takes dominated peoples collaborating, stumbling, and striving together.

Nothing should take away from this momentous political occasion. But we would be remiss if we didn’t forewarn that one day of widespread disruption will not throw the brakes on accelerating authoritarianism. Instead, we must sustain widespread disruption and take total control of our cities: our workplaces, neighborhoods, schools, and social institutions, of, by, and for ourselves. How might that look, and what are the steps to expand Minnesotans’ burgeoning power?

Drawing on experiences from the last two decades, including recent work to fight back ICE, we offer the following suggestions and insights we think can carry the budding popular power brewing in Minneapolis one step closer to the social revolution that will rid us of this rot.

1. Consolidate organizations for the long term: Like elsewhere, Minneapolis has grown neighborhood-based communications and networks to warn one another about ICE’s presence. Sustaining their efforts will require durable, rooted structures, like neighborhood councils, defense committees, and popular assemblies, that can take up other fights.

   Read more about how to build a popular assemblymanual and steps for kicking ICE out of your workplace.

2. Raise interim demands: Workplace policies that keep out ICE can become longer-term horizons to kick out all police forces. Demanding hotels in our neighborhoods refuse contracts with ICE impedes their ability to operate. Setting clear goals focuses energies to fight like hell and keep on the pressure.

   The example of healthcare workers in Californiademonstrate how to raise, build towards, and win intermediate gains.

3. Build a culture of mass resistance: Slogans, propaganda, study groups, and more must reiterate it is us – not bosses, politicians, administrators, or any other member of the dominating class – who can save or take care of us.

   Print flyers and pamphlets to share with your friends and in your workplaces, neighborhoods, and schools.

4. Grow principled networks of antifascist, anticapitalist, and anti-state resistance: All who stand shoulder-to-shoulder on 1/23 reject the state paramilitaries terrorizing and attacking their communities. The Trump administration’s policies are not an aberration but an outgrowth of the US empire in decay. To stop these forces once and for all, we will need to tear out its roots: capitalist exploitation and state oppression.

   Learn how organizing across political divides in the California Bay Area kept out ICE.

Workers, neighbors, and students in Minnesota are navigating uncharted waters in our modern political landscape. Their resolve shows that everyday people can stand down the federal government. As ICE terror surges, we will do all that we can to make one, two, a thousand coordinated stands in Minneapolis and wherever the state reaches its hands, and we can beat it back, once and for all.

The post The Minneapolis Mass Strike Shows the Way – Let’s Go Further appeared first on Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation.

From Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation via This RSS Feed.

Participants in the rapid response networks in the Twin Cities describe their experiences and reflect on how these neworks could contribute to revolutionary social change.

Recent weeks’ clashes between Syrian state forces and Kurdish forces have developed into a multi-front assault on Rojava, threatening open war as a means of forcing it to integrate into an Islamist state structure. Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are resisting sustained attacks using drones and heavy weapons by Damascus-affiliated militias in Hasakeh and Raqqa, including near two prisons housing thousands of Islamic State (ISIS) fighters. SDF confirmed that repeated assaults on al-Shaddadi prison were initially repelled at heavy cost before the facility ultimately fell with thousands of ISIS fighters escaping, despite its proximity to a US-led coalition base that did not intervene.

Cases of long-term infiltrators employed by authorities in the 21st century.