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In a village in northern Lebanon, a crucifix hangs next to a portrait of one of Hezbollah’s most revered leaders.

The Catholic town of Ras Baalbek, which has two Byzantine churches, is working with the Iranian-backed militant group to try to preserve its heritage and protect its 6,000 devout residents from attack by Islamic State (IS) terrorists in nearby Syria.

So close are the two communities that Hezbollah buys a Christmas tree each year for the villagers.

Rifaat Nasrallah, 60, a quarryman whose marble sarcophagi line the village cemetery, asks: “How can we as Christians in this area not be with Hezbollah? They protect our churches.

“They helped us fight IS. During Covid they gave us free care in their hospitals. When there was no electricity they gave us generators. How can we not be with them now?”

An alliance between a Catholic village and a Shia militia will surprise many, but it reflects the complexity of the region and the power of realpolitik.

Mr Nasrallah is hosting The Telegraph in his front room beneath the crucifix and the picture of Hassan Nasrallah (no relation), the secretary general of Hezbollah, who was killed in 2024. Military planes and drones can be heard in the distance.

Israel has been bombing Hezbollah positions across Lebanon since the militant group entered the war in the Middle East on Iran’s behalf on its third day. More than 1,000 people have been killed, with a million more displaced.

Does Mr Nasrallah not worry that Ras Baalbek’s relationship with Hezbollah could place the village in greater danger? He answers with an emphatic “no”.

He says: “The relationship between the village and Hezbollah is stronger than with the Pope. The Vatican did nothing for us when ISIS attacked [previously] but Hezbollah spilt their blood to protect us. The Pope only has prayers.”

It is not an academic question. On Friday, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said they had uncovered a Hezbollah tunnel stocked with weapons near a church in southern Lebanon.

An IDF spokesman said: “Since the establishment of the terrorist organisation Hezbollah, it has systematically worked to exploit the Christian population in Lebanon and turn their areas into battle arenas against Israel.”

The Bekaa Valley is beautiful, dangerous and cosmopolitan in equal measure. Christian, Sunni and Shia Muslim villages sit cheek by jowl.

As The Telegraph drives there, Israeli jets and drones hunt Hezbollah positions in the hills to the west, after the militants fired one of their long-range ground-to-ground missiles towards “the entity” the previous night.

These missiles are large and are said to be launched from adapted shipping containers carried by articulated trucks, making the journey hazardous.

The threat that originally brought Christians of Ras Baalbek and Hezbollah close came from the east. The village is in the foothills of the arid Qalamoun mountains, over which it is possible to trek to a few miles into Syria.

It was from there, from 2013 to 2017 at the height of the Syrian civil war, that IS fighters launched several assaults on the village, threatening to wipe it from the map and behead its Catholic residents.

Mr Nasrallah says: “The first attack came from a village called Qasr, just seven kilometres from here in Syria. IS came over the hills and reached the edge of the village and kidnapped some of my workers and tortured them.

“At first, it was only Hezbollah and the villagers who fought back against the Salafists. We fought together with missiles and rockets. Many were wounded and some died. I was almost killed with shrapnel in my back from a mortar.”

In a village in northern Lebanon, a crucifix hangs next to a portrait of one of Hezbollah’s most revered leaders.

The Catholic town of Ras Baalbek, which has two Byzantine churches, is working with the Iranian-backed militant group to try to preserve its heritage and protect its 6,000 devout residents from attack by Islamic State (IS) terrorists in nearby Syria.

So close are the two communities that Hezbollah buys a Christmas tree each year for the villagers.

Rifaat Nasrallah, 60, a quarryman whose marble sarcophagi line the village cemetery, asks: “How can we as Christians in this area not be with Hezbollah? They protect our churches.

“They helped us fight IS. During Covid they gave us free care in their hospitals. When there was no electricity they gave us generators. How can we not be with them now?”

Rifaat Nasrallah says Catholics in Ras Baalbek have been helped more by Hezbollah than the Pope. An alliance between a Catholic village and a Shia militia will surprise many, but it reflects the complexity of the region and the power of realpolitik.

Mr Nasrallah is hosting The Telegraph in his front room beneath the crucifix and the picture of Hassan Nasrallah (no relation), the secretary general of Hezbollah, who was killed in 2024. Military planes and drones can be heard in the distance.

Israel has been bombing Hezbollah positions across Lebanon since the militant group entered the war in the Middle East on Iran’s behalf on its third day. More than 1,000 people have been killed, with a million more displaced.

Does Mr Nasrallah not worry that Ras Baalbek’s relationship with Hezbollah could place the village in greater danger? He answers with an emphatic “no”.

He says: “The relationship between the village and Hezbollah is stronger than with the Pope. The Vatican did nothing for us when ISIS attacked [previously] but Hezbollah spilt their blood to protect us. The Pope only has prayers.”

It is not an academic question. On Friday, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) said they had uncovered a Hezbollah tunnel stocked with weapons near a church in southern Lebanon.

An IDF spokesman said: “Since the establishment of the terrorist organisation Hezbollah, it has systematically worked to exploit the Christian population in Lebanon and turn their areas into battle arenas against Israel.”

The Bekaa Valley is beautiful, dangerous and cosmopolitan in equal measure. Christian, Sunni and Shia Muslim villages sit cheek by jowl.

As The Telegraph drives there, Israeli jets and drones hunt Hezbollah positions in the hills to the west, after the militants fired one of their long-range ground-to-ground missiles towards “the entity” the previous night.

These missiles are large and are said to be launched from adapted shipping containers carried by articulated trucks, making the journey hazardous.

The threat that originally brought Christians of Ras Baalbek and Hezbollah close came from the east. The village is in the foothills of the arid Qalamoun mountains, over which it is possible to trek to a few miles into Syria.

It was from there, from 2013 to 2017 at the height of the Syrian civil war, that IS fighters launched several assaults on the village, threatening to wipe it from the map and behead its Catholic residents.

Mr Nasrallah says: “The first attack came from a village called Qasr, just seven kilometres from here in Syria. IS came over the hills and reached the edge of the village and kidnapped some of my workers and tortured them.

“At first, it was only Hezbollah and the villagers who fought back against the Salafists. We fought together with missiles and rockets. Many were wounded and some died. I was almost killed with shrapnel in my back from a mortar.”

Mr Nasrallah does not say so, but the bond between the villagers and Hezbollah is a case of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” – or that’s how it started.

During the civil war, Hezbollah sent thousands of fighters in support of the Iranian-backed Assad regime. Their adversaries included jihadist organisations, including IS and the al-Qaeda-linked Jabhat Al-Nusra.

So, when IS first struck on Lebanese soil in 2013, the group was quick to defend the villagers – unlike the Lebanese army, which only became involved later.

Mr Nasrallah says: “The army was weak. The leader of the army at the time was not strong. He did not have the political support for the fight. Only later, in 2015 and 2017, did they help.”

Two soldiers from the Lebanese army, whose political leaders have recently vowed to disarm Hezbollah, sit with us in Mr Nasrallah’s home as he explains the local politics and the bizarre alliances they have bred. They nod along as Mr Nasrallah’s wife serves us tea and biscuits, their M16 assault rifles propped up at their sides.

Brasilia, May 2 (Prensa Latina) Brazilian activist Thiago Ávila was subjected to torture after being kidnapped in international waters by Israeli forces while on his way to a humanitarian mission to Gaza, the Sumud Global Flotilla reported today.

In a statement echoed by Brazilian media, the international movement confirmed that both Ávila and the Spanish-Swedish activist of Palestinian origin, Saif Abukeshek, were transferred to Shikma prison in Askalan, north of Gaza, in occupied Palestine, after their illegal abduction in European waters.

The prison is known for holding Palestinian prisoners under harsh conditions and has recently been used to detain civilians kidnapped from Gaza as part of the Israeli campaign against the Palestinian people, the Flotilla noted.

According to the organization, following their forced transfer, new testimonies have emerged through diplomatic channels that raise alarm about the treatment of the detainees.

According to the Brazilian embassy, ​​Thiago Ávila reported being subjected to torture, beatings, and ill-treatment, the statement said.

During a supervised visit, in which he was separated by glass and unable to communicate freely, officials observed visible marks on the activist's face, who also reported significant pain, especially in his shoulder, the text added.

Despite being examined by a doctor, he did not receive adequate medical attention, the statement said, and the embassy is now demanding immediate and appropriate treatment.

The statement also noted that Ávila is on a hunger strike, is only consuming water, has not been informed of any charges against him, and the embassy has not received any clarification on the legal basis for his detention.

Furthermore, the Brazilian stated that he will not end his detention unless Saif Abukeshek, who is also on hunger strike, is released.

In the statement, the movement called on the governments of Spain, Sweden, and Brazil to take immediate diplomatic action to secure the release of their citizens and requested the urgent intervention of international organizations to guarantee the safety and rights of those detained.

The day before, the Brazilian and Spanish governments issued a joint statement strongly condemning the kidnapping of two of their citizens in international waters by Israel.

They recalled that both were aboard vessels of the flotilla boarded by Israeli forces off the coast of Greece, and were not released after the interception of said vessels and the subsequent disembarkation of the passengers and crew on the island of Crete.

The governments of Brazil and Spain demand that Israel immediately return their citizens, with full security guarantees, and that they be provided with immediate consular access for their assistance and protection, the document added.

La Paz, May 2 (Prensa Latina) Bolivia awoke today to an atmosphere of instability following the decision announced yesterday by the Bolivian Workers' Central (COB) to enter an indefinite strike with mobilizations from this Saturday until the Government addresses its demands.

“The people have immediately demanded attention to the resolutions of this assembly, but at the same time, since we have many sectors mobilized, we have decided on an indefinite general strike,” said COB Executive Secretary Mario Argollo, after holding an assembly the day before in the city of El Alto.

He noted that the decision is an act of solidarity with the mobilized sectors, such as the indigenous people who are marching from Pando and Beni towards La Paz against Law 1720, which establishes the conversion of small productive lands to medium-sized and the possibility of mortgaging them.

Critics of this legislation believe it opens the door to the expansion of large landholdings.

Argollo also pointed out that the prices of basic goods are not decreasing and that, despite the lifting of the subsidy, the fuel being sold is of poor quality and continues to damage engines.

During the town hall meeting, COB members reaffirmed their demand for a 20 percent increase in the national minimum wage and basic salary.

Likewise, the participants in the massive rally proposed a cut of between 20 and 50 percentage points in the highest salaries in the public sector, aimed at the main authorities of the State.

The participants in the town hall meeting also insisted on the defense and protection of natural resources, the non-privatization of public companies, and the replacement of the loss of purchasing power due to inflation, among other issues.

Within this context of social conflict, the police commander in the department of La Paz, Juan Amílcar Sotopeña, confirmed that all forces of that body in the La Paz jurisdiction were confined to barracks.

“We have 100 percent of the personnel of the La Paz Departmental Command confined to barracks and obviously divided into different shifts. We have the necessary personnel to cover this service and safeguard state assets,” he said.

Faced with this turbulent situation, last Saturday President Rodrigo Paz stated on his social media that he is not afraid of the protests and that his main concern is not being able to offer solutions for the future of the country.

“Bolivia wants change, and I am not afraid of the mobilizations; I am a builder of democracy who grew up amidst marches and historical leadership. I am not afraid of the movement in the streets; what truly worries me is that we are not capable of offering real solutions for the future of our country,” the dignitary wrote on his official Facebook account.

The scale of Russian aviation in Mali has become clearer through imagery and reporting from Russian military channels, which have shown African Corps helicopters conducting supply runs to forward bases including Hombori in the Gao region and evacuating wounded personnel from combat zones. What those images reveal, taken together, is not an advisory presence with light air support — it is a full combined-arms aviation grouping conducting active combat operations alongside Mali’s armed forces, known by their French acronym FAMA. The rotary-wing backbone of the grouping consists of approximately ten Mi-8AMTSh multirole helicopters and four Mi-24P attack helicopters. The Mi-8AMTSh — the combat assault transport variant of Russia’s most widely operated military helicopter — is the workhorse of the operation, moving personnel, ammunition, and supplies between Bamako and forward positions that ground routes cannot reliably service in contested terrain. The Mi-24P, the dedicated attack variant of the Hind family, provides fire support for ground operations — a heavily armed gunship capable of engaging targets with rockets, gun systems, and anti-tank missiles. Both types operate dynamically, cycling between Bamako and forward outposts based on mission requirements rather than maintaining fixed basing at a single location, a pattern that reflects the operational tempo and the range of tasks the grouping is being asked to cover.

Bamako’s international airport serves as the primary hub for the heavier elements of the grouping. The Su-24 front-line bombers — exact numbers unconfirmed — operate from Bamako, giving the African Corps a fixed-wing precision strike capability that no other actor in the Sahel theater can match at comparable range and payload. The Su-24 is a variable-sweep wing, two-seat attack aircraft designed for low-altitude penetration and precision strike, and its presence in Mali signals that the African Corps is not limiting its air campaign to rotary-wing close support. Also based at Bamako is the Mi-26 — the world’s largest production helicopter by payload capacity — which handles the heavy logistics requirements that the Mi-8 fleet cannot manage alone, including the movement of large equipment consignments and bulk supplies from the capital to forward areas. The unmanned component rounds out a capability set that would be impressive for a declared military operation, let alone one conducted under the political framing of a security partnership. Inokhodets reconnaissance-strike drone systems — the Russian equivalent of a medium-altitude long-endurance armed UAV — are confirmed in Mali and have participated in strikes against rebel and jihadist forces. Orlan reconnaissance drones provide persistent surveillance coverage, feeding intelligence into the targeting process that guides both the Inokhodets strikes and manned aircraft operations. Together, the drone component gives the African Corps the kind of continuous overhead awareness and precise strike capability that Malian forces could not independently generate.

The logistics chain sustaining all of this runs through Ilyushin Il-76 military transport aircraft operated by the Russian Aerospace Forces, supplemented by various private aviation companies, a supply architecture that blends official military resources with commercial operators to maintain operational continuity and obscure the full scale of Russian military commitment. Personnel, ammunition, and equipment arriving on those flights are then distributed by the helicopter fleet to forward positions, with the Mi-8 fleet serving as the critical last-mile connector between Bamako’s logistics hub and the outposts where operations actually occur. The Sahel is not a permissive environment for this kind of aviation campaign. The armed groups operating in Mali’s north and center have demonstrated the ability to engage aircraft, and the terrain favors ground-based ambushes against landing zones and low-flying helicopters. The risks of sustained rotary-wing operations in that environment are real, as confirmed by the shootdown of an African Corps Mi-8AMTSh near Wabaria in the Gao region on April 25 — a loss acknowledged by Russian sources including the Fighterbomber channel, and a data point that reflects what it costs to run this kind of air campaign at the tempo the African Corps has sustained. What Russia has built in Mali is not a symbolic military presence. It is a functioning combined aviation force — strike drones, attack helicopters, transport helicopters, a heavy lifter, front-line bombers, and reconnaissance assets — conducting real combat operations in support of a government that has made Russian partnership the cornerstone of its security strategy.

President Donald Trump has said the U.S. Navy is clearing Iranian mines from the strait, a vital sea route for oil shipments, whose disruption is increasingly threatening the global economy. Sweeping for underwater explosives could take months despite a tenuous ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran in their weeks-long war. The up to $100 million contract for the San Francisco artificial intelligence company Domino Data Lab could quicken this process with software that can teach underwater drones to identify new types of mines in a matter of days. “Mine-hunting used to be a job for ships,” Thomas Robinson, Domino’s chief operating officer, said in an interview with Reuters. “It’s becoming a job for AI. The Navy is paying for the platform that lets it train, govern, and field that AI at a speed required for contested waters that block global trade and imperil sailors.”

Last week, the U.S. Navy awarded the up to $99.7 million contract to expand Domino’s role as the AI backbone of the Navy’s Project AMMO - Accelerated Machine Learning for Maritime Operations - a program to make underwater mine detection faster, more accurate, and less dependent on human sailors. The software integrates data from multiple sensor types, including side-scan sonar and visual imaging systems, and allows the Navy to monitor how well various AI detection models are performing in the field, identify failures, and push corrections to improve performance. The core of Domino’s pitch - and the Navy’s wager - is speed. Before the company’s involvement, updating the AI models that power the Navy’s unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs) to recognize new or previously unseen mines could take up to six months. Domino says it has cut that cycle to days. Robinson illustrated the relevance to the Middle East crisis: “If there were UUVs in the Baltic Sea trained on Russian mines, and then they needed to be deployed to the Strait of Hormuz to detect Iranian mines, with Domino’s technology, the Navy could be ready in a week rather than a year.” A Navy spokesman was not immediately able to provide comment.

Norway has been informed by Washington that it may face delays on deliveries of American-made weapons, Breaking Defense has learned. “Norway has been contacted by US authorities, who have informed that delays may occur, but it is emphasized that no decision has been made,” the ministry’s spokesperson Brage Berglund wrote in an email to Breaking Defense when asked about possible delays. The development comes against the backdrop of the ongoing war in the Middle East, which experts US lawmakers say is putting a strain on American stockpiles. The Norwegian statement today aligns with similar warnings received by other Nordic and Baltic nations. Yesterday, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaja Kallas, confirmed that several countries in the region are facing delays in weapons deliveries from the United States. “There is no swift exit from the stand-off in the Strait of Hormuz in sight. And the consequences are negative across the board. The global economy is reeling. Russia is gaining fresh revenue from higher oil prices and US weapons deliveries to Nordic and Baltic countries face delays, “ Kallas said.

The statement was made after the Nordic-Baltic (NB8) foreign ministers’ meeting in Kuressaare, Estonia. Kallas did not specify whether all Nordic and Baltic countries were affected by the delays, nor did she receive any follow-up questions on the statement. Earlier this week, Helsinki and Tallinn also publicly acknowledged delays in defense deliveries due to the war in the Middle East. Finnish President Alexander Stubb said that some US stockpiles are being delivered elsewhere, but he did not view this as alarming for Finland, according to Reuters. Estonia had already reported earlier setbacks, particularly in the delivery of US-made HIMARS systems. In mid-April, the country’s public broadcaster ERR reported that the delays in US defense deliveries mainly affect ammunition for the rocket launcher system, some of which was scheduled to arrive this year. Norwegian officials declined to specify to Breaking Defense which weapon systems might be affected or provide any timeline for the possible delays. And it is unclear which other countries in the region may be impacted.

During an April 9 interview in Washington, following the Reuters report, Sweden’s Defense Minister Pål Jonson told Breaking Defense that Stockholm had received no notification from the US about possible delays under the Foreign Military Sales (FMS) program. In response to an April 21 follow-up email, the minister told Breaking Defense that Sweden had “not received any notification of delivery delays” for FMS programs. In response to a follow-up question today from Breaking Defense, the ministry’s acting spokesperson Jan Joel Andersson, said the ministry “has no further comment to add on this issue.” Denmark’s Ministry of Defense has previously declined to comment on possible delays, replying “no comment” when asked by Breaking Defense one week ago. The ministry has not responded to Breaking Defense’ follow-up question today. A potential slowdown of arms — especially arms that have already been paid for — is likely to sit uneasily with Nordic and Baltic allies, many of whom have significantly increased defense spending at Washington’s request and rely heavily on US equipment to bolster their security amid heightened tensions in Europe due to Russia’s war on Ukraine.