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Liberals do intersectionality without class all the time too. Which does make the liberal version dogshit; intersectionality without class makes about as much sense as intersectionality without acknowledging gender, or without acknowledging race.
I would say it makes even less sense, because the types of social minoritizing that you describe are real and important, but class is what makes the overall project make sense. To subtract specifically class wildly undercuts your ability to have a meaningful understanding of every other element, which ends up in moralizing or idealist attitudes to addressing bigotry, not to mention rainbow capitalism, black capitalism, etc.
They are closely related but in that it's more concerned with epistemology, it's interesting as complementary concept - asking what the oppressed can know and learn of a system of domination that the oppressor can't, as a result of intersectional positions. Looking at class with it sort of circles around to questions of class consciousness and where the capacities for that come from, and also questions then how that knowledge can be foreclosed. which is useful I think.
I've moved on from his work a lot more now but it popped up a lot in Mark Fisher's final lectures where he was connecting it back to Lukacs' work and, at least those chapters, are pretty interesting.
Anything that sidesteps class only serves to perpetuate liberalism
I think it might even have been invented to push workers perspective and class struggle? But I don't really know.