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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/32192435

By Oscar Rickett
Published date: 24 June 2025 12:54 BST
Last update: ~10:15 EDT

"Speaking to reporters before getting onto his helicopter to go to the Nato summit in The Hague, Trump said he was unhappy with both Israel and Iran for breaking the ceasefire agreement he brokered.

Reserving his harshest criticism for Israel, he said: "Israel, as soon as we made the deal, they came out and dropped a load of bombs the likes of which I've never seen before, the biggest load we've seen.

"I'm not happy with Israel. When I say 'OK now you have 12 hours', you don't go out in the first hour and drop everything you have on them. So I'm not happy with them. I'm not happy with Iran either.""

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/32212238

By MEE staff Published date: 24 June 2025 22:12 BST
Last update:~17:20 EDT

"CNN reported on Tuesday that an initial assessment of the strikes by the US Defence Intelligence Agency was that the main components of Iran’s nuclear programme were intact and likely only set back by months.

This flies in the face of Trump saying that the US air strikes “completely and totally obliterated” Iran’s nuclear programme. The White House trumpeted its bombing of Iran’s Fordow, Isfahan and Natanz enrichment complexes as a major military feat that surprised Iran."

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/32215968

David Hearst
24 June 2025 19:48 BST
Last update: ~18:10 EDT

"Israel sustained more damage from Iran’s missiles in 12 days than it did from two years of Hamas’s homegrown rockets, or indeed from months of war with Hezbollah.

In 12 days, Israeli crews have come to grips with the sort of damage to apartment blocks that before only Israeli planes had inflicted on Gaza and Lebanon - and it’s been something of a shock. Strategic targets have been hit, including an oil refinery and a power station. Iran has also reported strikes on Israeli military facilities, although Israel’s strict censorship regime makes these assertions difficult to verify. "

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/32192782

By MEE correspondent in Tehran
Published date: 24 June 2025 15:22 BST

"In the middle of an empty street in Tehran, a young man stood playing the violin. As fear of Israeli air strikes drove people indoors at nightfall, his music carried through the quiet neighbourhoods, offering residents a moment of solace and peace.

“I just wanted to remind my fellow citizens that the lovely sound of love and music is louder than the terrifying sound of bombs and explosions,” the musician, who didn't want to share his name, told Middle East Eye.

“I’m not into politics at all, but I wanted to give love to the people around me and remind them that life is still going on.”"

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/32211816

By Rayhan Uddin
Published date: 24 June 2025 17:51 BST
Last update:~13:30 EDT

"It [Israel] attacked Iranian nuclear and military facilities, and assassinated high-profile security, intelligence and military figures, as well as nuclear scientists.

Tehran, which denies it seeks a nuclear weapon, retaliated with ballistic missile strikes on Israeli towns and cities. At least 439 Iranians were killed and 28 in Israel.

While the assault left Iran undoubtedly damaged, it nonetheless provided lessons about its nuclear and military capabilities, as well as the domestic standing of the Islamic Republic itself."

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Keanu Heydari writes about the Iran-Israel conflict:

"The architecture of escalation, therefore, is not a disruption of the international order; it is its method."

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.world/post/31659508

My Iranian friends told me that all communication with their families has been cut off by the government. I know of associations gathering funds for donating eSIMs in Gaza where Israel did the same. Do you know of any such possibility in Iran?

My friend has a public profile, and we are thinking of organizing a fundraiser.

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On June 11, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei delivered a significant speech to a group of scientists, experts, and officials in Iran’s nuclear industry. He praised their achievements and cautiously approved the possibility of a deal with the West regarding Tehran’s nuclear program but also emphasized the importance of preserving Iran’s nuclear infrastructure.

Given that the Supreme Leader holds the final authority in all foreign policy matters, his diplomatic language provides crucial insights into Iran’s negotiating stance and carries serious implications for the future of nuclear negotiations and U.S.-Iran relations.

The speech comes at a critical juncture for Iran’s nuclear program and its relations with Washington and its Western allies. The indirect talks between the U.S. and Iran have been stalled since September, with both sides accusing the other of making unreasonable demands. The Iranian government’s assistance to Russia in the Ukraine war and its brutal crackdown on a countrywide protest movement since that time have also stalled the negotiation process.

Meanwhile, Iran has been steadily advancing its nuclear activities by increasing its stockpiles of highly enriched uranium, installing more advanced centrifuges, and reducing cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). These moves, which exceed the limits established under the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action that was negotiated between Iran and the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany have increased concerns about Iran’s intentions as it has approached nuclear breakout capability.

While a full restoration of the JCPOA appears increasingly unlikely, both sides could still benefit from a smaller agreement that involves mutual concessions. Such an agreement would help alleviate tensions and partially address their respective interests, thus averting an immediate crisis.

Khamenei’s approval of a potential agreement, albeit with the caveat that Iran’s nuclear infrastructure should not be compromised, could be interpreted as a signal that Tehran is now prepared to make some concessions for a deal. The key question, however, is what he meant by preserving Iran’s nuclear infrastructure, which could encompass advanced centrifuges, high-enriched uranium stockpiles, and other nuclear material and equipment that pose a proliferation risk.

Iran’s primary concern lies in receiving assurances that the U.S. will honor any new deal, even if it isn’t legally binding. Hence, many in Iran argue that maintaining significant parts of its nuclear infrastructure, even if placed under IAEA or international supervision, is a necessary safeguard against any potential U.S. withdrawal from a new agreement. However, preserving the nuclear infrastructure as it exists today would clearly violate the limitations set forth in the 2015 nuclear deal.

In his speech, Khamenei also reiterated Iran’s long-held position that it is not seeking nuclear weapons and emphasized that such weapons, along with chemical weapons that indiscriminately kill people, are prohibited on religious grounds. He insisted that the West’s claim about “the fear of nuclear weapons production in Iran” is a lie, adding that the U.S. intelligence community has acknowledged several times, including in recent months, that there is no sign of Iran moving towards producing nuclear weapons. He also urged Iran to maintain its cooperation with the IAEA within the framework of its safeguards agreement.

Interestingly, Khamenei’s speech coincides with reports — originating in Korean, Israeli, and Qatari media — suggesting that the U.S. and Iran are indeed considering a more limited or interim agreement. Such an agreement would involve freezing or rolling back some of Iran’s nuclear advances in exchange for partial sanctions relief. Both sides, however, have so far denied reaching any interim deal or alternative arrangement beyond the JCPOA.

Nevertheless, the stakes are high for both sides, as they face domestic and international pressures to resolve the nuclear impasse. Khamenei seeks to ensure conservative President Ebrahim Raisi’s success as his protégé and potential successor, secure Iran’s strategic interests and regional influence, and avoid military confrontation with the U.S. or Israel, both of which have threatened to use force if diplomacy fails to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. On the other hand, President Biden aims to fulfill his promise of diplomacy with Iran, prevent a nuclear crisis that could negatively impact his 2024 reelection campaign, and address concerns from U.S. allies in the region, notably Israel and Saudi Arabia, regarding Iran’s nuclear ambitions and regional behavior.

In this context, Khamenei’s speech signals support for the Raisi government to pursue a diplomatic solution with Washington.

Any new agreement, however, carries risks and challenges for both parties. They must navigate the expectations and reactions of their domestic and international audiences, some of which may oppose or seek to undermine a deal. In the U.S., the Biden administration faces resistance from lawmakers, particularly Republicans, who have long opposed the JCPOA and favor maintaining, if not increasing tough economic sanctions against Iran. Biden would face a major challenge, particularly in light of Tehran’s closer ties with Moscow since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, in persuading Congress and the American public that engaging with Tehran serves the national interest.

Similarly, Raisi must contend with hardliners to his right who oppose any compromises on Iran’s nuclear program and argue that it would be foolhardy to trust that the U.S. would fulfill its promises given former President Trump’s unilateral withdrawal from the JCPOA. Nonetheless, Khamenei’s speech may help protect Raisi against domestic criticism if his diplomats manage to secure a deal.

Ultimately, both Iran and the U.S. share a strong interest in reaching an agreement. A more limited or interim agreement could serve as a crucial bridge, effectively easing tensions and building a foundation for further negotiations. Khamenei’s speech potentially paves the way for a breakthrough in the protracted nuclear impasse or, at the very least, mitigates the risk of further escalation and confrontation with the U.S. However, achieving such an outcome remains uncertain, as both sides face formidable domestic and international pressures that could derail the diplomatic process.

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