this post was submitted on 26 Jun 2026
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This and other proposals for Trump's order have been blocked by U.S. District Judge Indira Talwani. The judge found that the order exceeds Trump's authority under the Constitution, which gives power to state legislatures and Congress, not the president, to set federal election rules. The judge also found that USPS has no legal authority to regulate who can vote by mail and how, an issue that Senator Peters pressed Steiner on.

Well, I think it's clear that there's nowhere in the Constitution, there's no federal law that the Postal Service is authorized to create these types of voter databases, ballot verification systems or mandatory standards. It just simply doesn't exist.

Trump himself voted by mail in Florida in March, and the president has said he issued this order to stop illegal voting by non-U.S. citizens in federal elections, which many reviews have shown to be incredibly rare. The Trump administration is now expected to appeal the new ruling against the order.

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[–] PugJesus@piefed.social 3 points 2 months ago (1 children)

Ultimately, tyranny must fear the threat of removal by force, but removal by force is also an ultimate concession that the extant system is not merely flawed, but failed entirely.

To acknowledge that the extant system is failed - and the resultant fallout of its failure - would be... catastrophic. Many people - myself included - are not ready to see a Syria-level civil war in the US.

If some lone wolf assassinated Trump or a few other figures, it would feel good, but it wouldn't solve the underlying problem. Resolving the issue by force would require mass violence - or, in the case of a coup, mass imposition of coercion - in the whole of the country.

[–] lmdnw@lemmy.world 2 points 2 months ago (1 children)

What would cause them to fear the threat of removal by force if not a well armed populace? You’re right that any actual significant clawing back of power from a tyrannical state would be a bloodbath, but that has always been the case. As far as I know, that shift in power has never happened peacefully in human history.

[–] PugJesus@piefed.social 0 points 2 months ago (1 children)

What would cause them to fear the threat of removal by force if not a well armed populace?

Fear of their own unpopularity. Modern mass militaries are, necessarily, recruited from the general population - as the general population turns against them, they lose control of the military. This is why actual dictatorial regimes attempt to establish parallel paramilitary groups that are recruited for their loyalty, rather than the needs of national defense, to guard against changes in public opinion which could lead to a coup or general strike (refused to be suppressed by a sympathetic military) overthrowing the government.

As far as I know, that shift in power has never happened peacefully in human history.

Carnation Revolution, the restoration of democracy in Spain, Ousting of Pinochet, June Uprising, Solidarity, Die Wende, Velvet Revolution...

[deep breath]

Orange Revolution, Rose Revolution, Cedar Revolution, EDSA 2, Bulldozer Revolution, Nepal Revolution, Tunisian Revolution, Euromaidan...

... not necessarily in order.

[–] lmdnw@lemmy.world 1 points 2 months ago (1 children)

Carnation Revolution (Portugal, 1974): The coup only happened because the military had been bled dry fighting colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau for over a decade. Sustained armed resistance by independence movements inflicted casualties and destroyed morale to the point where the officer corps turned against the regime. The peaceful domestic transition was entirely downstream of violent armed struggle against Portuguese state power abroad. Without those liberation movements grinding the military down, the Estado Novo survives.

Restoration of Democracy in Spain (1975-1978): Franco’s regime didn’t soften out of goodwill. ETA’s sustained campaign of political assassination, most consequentially the 1973 car bombing that killed Prime Minister Carrero Blanco, decapitated the hardline successor leadership and created the opening for reformists to negotiate a transition. The peaceful outcome was made possible by the credible and demonstrated willingness to kill regime figures.

Ousting of Pinochet (Chile, 1988-1990): Often framed as a ballot box victory but the regime only reached the referendum stage because armed resistance groups and mass protest movements made the cost of continued open repression internationally and domestically untenable. The MIR and other armed groups kept pressure on the regime throughout. Pinochet left on his own terms, but he left because holding power was becoming too costly.

June Uprising (South Korea, 1987): The regime calculated that the scale of violence required to suppress the uprising would be too great. That calculation only exists because protesters demonstrated a willingness to absorb and return violence in the streets. The military’s refusal to massacre was not benevolence, it was a cold assessment that the uprising had enough force behind it to make suppression catastrophic for the regime itself.

Solidarity (Poland, 1980-1989): Years of strikes, sabotage, and underground resistance made Poland ungovernable. The regime tried martial law, imprisonment, and killing activists and it wasn’t enough. The transition came because the state exhausted its capacity for violence against a movement that refused to be broken. The negotiating table was only reached because force failed to work.

Velvet Revolution (Czechoslovakia, 1989): The regime’s decision not to escalate after beating the student protesters came directly from watching Ceausescu get shot in Romania weeks later for choosing the violent path. The credible fate of leaders who massacred their populations was a direct deterrent. Violence against a neighboring regime created the conditions for a peaceful outcome in Czechoslovakia.

Orange Revolution (Ukraine, 2004): The state attempted to eliminate the opposition through assassination, poisoning Yushchenko with dioxin in a near fatal attack. That act of state violence backfired catastrophically, galvanizing opposition and international condemnation. The regime’s own use of violence against the people created the conditions that toppled it.

Rose Revolution (Georgia, 2003): Preceded by years of political killings and armed conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia that weakened and delegitimized Shevardnadze’s government. The regime’s use of state violence in those conflicts eroded its own foundations and made the eventual peaceful transfer possible only because the state had already been significantly weakened by armed conflict.

Cedar Revolution (Lebanon, 2005): Born directly from the assassination of Hariri. Without that act of violence by the Syrian-backed state, there is no mass uprising, no international pressure, no Syrian withdrawal. The entire revolution was a direct response to and consequence of state violence, and the threat of further resistance made Syrian presence untenable.

EDSA 2 (Philippines, 2001): The military and police defection that made the transfer peaceful was itself a calculated move by institutions that had witnessed what happened when security forces stayed loyal to collapsing regimes elsewhere. The historical record of what armed populations and military defections do to entrenched leaders shaped every decision made during that crisis.

Bulldozer Revolution (Serbia, 2000): Milosevic only faced a domestic uprising after his military apparatus had been degraded by NATO bombing in 1999. The air campaign broke the regime’s sense of invulnerability and its capacity for external aggression. The domestic political collapse followed directly from that military defeat. Without the bombs, Milosevic likely survives.

Nepal Revolution (2006): Armed Maoist insurgency had been fighting the monarchy for a decade before the urban protests erupted. The insurgency tied down the military, drained resources, and created the conditions where the regime couldn’t simultaneously fight a rural insurgency and urban mass protests. The peaceful resolution in the cities was only possible because an armed movement had already broken the regime’s capacity to project force everywhere at once.

Tunisian Revolution (2010-2011): The military’s refusal to keep killing protesters was the decisive moment, and that refusal came because the scale of violence required to hold power had become undeniable. Over 300 people were already dead. The state had already crossed into open massacre and it still wasn’t working. The regime fell because violence against the population reached a threshold where even the security apparatus concluded it was futile.

Euromaidan (Ukraine, 2013-2014): The most direct example on the list. The regime killed over 100 people and it wasn’t enough. Armed resistance on the Maidan, particularly from the Right Sector and self-defense units who fought back against the Berkut riot police, is what broke the security forces’ willingness to continue. Yanukovych fled not because of peaceful protest but because armed resistance made holding Kyiv a losing proposition.

“Peaceful” outcomes were either the result of violence having already done its work upstream, the credible threat of violence making suppression too costly, or armed resistance directly breaking the regime’s capacity and will. Your rebuttal listed outcomes. The outcomes don’t tell you anything without the mechanisms that produced them, which was violence. States never willingly give up power. It must be wrested from its hands through bloodshed, every time.

[–] PugJesus@piefed.social 1 points 2 months ago* (last edited 2 months ago) (1 children)

Carnation Revolution (Portugal, 1974): The coup only happened because the military had been bled dry fighting colonial wars in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau for over a decade. Sustained armed resistance by independence movements inflicted casualties and destroyed morale to the point where the officer corps turned against the regime. The peaceful domestic transition was entirely downstream of violent armed struggle against Portuguese state power abroad. Without those liberation movements grinding the military down, the Estado Novo survives.

Oh, so that's why the military coup was performed with a view towards prosecuting the colonial wars of the fascist regime more efficiently?

... no? It was a democratic left-wing conspiracy by junior officers from the very beginning?

Huh.

Franco’s regime didn’t soften out of goodwill. ETA’s sustained campaign of political assassination, most consequentially the 1973 car bombing that killed Prime Minister Carrero Blanco, decapitated the hardline successor leadership and created the opening for reformists to negotiate a transition. The peaceful outcome was made possible by the credible and demonstrated willingness to kill regime figures.

Oh, so that's why Basque Country is independent now, right?

Hm.

Almost like the assassination campaign was far less important than the transfer of power to King Juan Carlos I, whose influence allowed for a peaceful transition to democracy.

Often framed as a ballot box victory but the regime only reached the referendum stage because armed resistance groups and mass protest movements made the cost of continued open repression internationally and domestically untenable. The MIR and other armed groups kept pressure on the regime throughout. Pinochet left on his own terms, but he left because holding power was becoming too costly.

"Pinochet left on his own terms"

Fucking what? Pinochet left office because the military brass outright refused to annul the results of the election.

The regime calculated that the scale of violence required to suppress the uprising would be too great. That calculation only exists because protesters demonstrated a willingness to absorb and return violence in the streets. The military’s refusal to massacre was not benevolence, it was a cold assessment that the uprising had enough force behind it to make suppression catastrophic for the regime itself.

"Sure it was peaceful, and done by a largely unarmed population, but it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

Yeah, fucking welcome to nonviolent protests? That's... that's kind of the point of them...? To do so in such numbers as to display that violence is counterproductive?

Jesus fucking Christ.

Years of strikes, sabotage, and underground resistance made Poland ungovernable. The regime tried martial law, imprisonment, and killing activists and it wasn’t enough. The transition came because the state exhausted its capacity for violence against a movement that refused to be broken. The negotiating table was only reached because force failed to work.

"Sure it was peaceful, and done by a largely unarmed population, but it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

See above.

The regime’s decision not to escalate after beating the student protesters came directly from watching Ceausescu get shot in Romania weeks later for choosing the violent path. The credible fate of leaders who massacred their populations was a direct deterrent. Violence against a neighboring regime created the conditions for a peaceful outcome in Czechoslovakia.

That's really impressive that the Communist oligarchy of Czechoslovakia managed to see two months into the future. /s

The state attempted to eliminate the opposition through assassination, poisoning Yushchenko with dioxin in a near fatal attack. That act of state violence backfired catastrophically, galvanizing opposition and international condemnation. The regime’s own use of violence against the people created the conditions that toppled it.

"Sure it was peaceful, and done by a largely unarmed population, but it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

See above.

Preceded by years of political killings and armed conflicts in South Ossetia and Abkhazia that weakened and delegitimized Shevardnadze’s government. The regime’s use of state violence in those conflicts eroded its own foundations and made the eventual peaceful transfer possible only because the state had already been significantly weakened by armed conflict.

"Sure it was peaceful, and done by a largely unarmed population, but it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

See above.

Also, fucking lmao at the idea that the South Ossetian conflict, which had its last 'hot' phase twelve years before, having materially weakened the Georgian military to the point where, after over a fucking decade later, it was judged non-viable against student protesters.

Born directly from the assassination of Hariri. Without that act of violence by the Syrian-backed state, there is no mass uprising, no international pressure, no Syrian withdrawal. The entire revolution was a direct response to and consequence of state violence, and the threat of further resistance made Syrian presence untenable.

"Sure it was peaceful, and done by a largely unarmed population, but it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

See above.

The military and police defection that made the transfer peaceful was itself a calculated move by institutions that had witnessed what happened when security forces stayed loyal to collapsing regimes elsewhere. The historical record of what armed populations and military defections do to entrenched leaders shaped every decision made during that crisis.

"Sure it was peaceful, and done by a largely unarmed population, but it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

See above.

Milosevic only faced a domestic uprising after his military apparatus had been degraded by NATO bombing in 1999. The air campaign broke the regime’s sense of invulnerability and its capacity for external aggression. The domestic political collapse followed directly from that military defeat. Without the bombs, Milosevic likely survives.

"Sure it was peaceful, and done by a largely unarmed population, but it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

See above. Unless you think that the Serbian military in 2000 was rendered materially incapable of taking on unarmed civilians concentrated in a single city.

Armed Maoist insurgency had been fighting the monarchy for a decade before the urban protests erupted. The insurgency tied down the military, drained resources, and created the conditions where the regime couldn’t simultaneously fight a rural insurgency and urban mass protests. The peaceful resolution in the cities was only possible because an armed movement had already broken the regime’s capacity to project force everywhere at once.

Fair enough.

The military’s refusal to keep killing protesters was the decisive moment, and that refusal came because the scale of violence required to hold power had become undeniable. Over 300 people were already dead. The state had already crossed into open massacre and it still wasn’t working. The regime fell because violence against the population reached a threshold where even the security apparatus concluded it was futile.

"Sure it was peaceful, and done by a largely unarmed population, but it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

See above.

The most direct example on the list. The regime killed over 100 people and it wasn’t enough. Armed resistance on the Maidan, particularly from the Right Sector and self-defense units who fought back against the Berkut riot police, is what broke the security forces’ willingness to continue. Yanukovych fled not because of peaceful protest but because armed resistance made holding Kyiv a losing proposition.

"but because armed resistance made holding Kyiv a losing proposition."

Was that because protesters armed with clubs and fireworks were a credible threat to the regime's security forces?

"It it doesn't count because the regime using violence would have been counterproductive!"

See above.

“Peaceful” outcomes were either the result of violence having already done its work upstream, the credible threat of violence making suppression too costly, or armed resistance directly breaking the regime’s capacity and will. Your rebuttal listed outcomes. The outcomes don’t tell you anything without the mechanisms that produced them, which was violence. States never willingly give up power. It must be wrested from its hands through bloodshed, every time.

I love the part where you acknowledge that these peaceful revolutions legitimately wrest power from the hands of the state without using violence as their tactic, but then immediately reverse here at the end, insisting on bloodshed.

[–] lmdnw@lemmy.world 2 points 2 months ago (1 children)

Fair enough on a few of these, I’ll take the L where it’s due.

The Ceausescu timing is just wrong, I got that backwards and I’m not going to try to spin it.

On the Carnation Revolution though, the ideological motivations of those officers don’t really change my point. A demoralized military that’s been ground down by a decade of colonial war is just not an effective tool for keeping an authoritarian regime in power, regardless of what politics fill the vacuum afterward.

On Carrero Blanco, I’m not saying ETA achieved their political goals, clearly they didn’t. I’m saying removing the hardest line successor to Franco opened the door for Juan Carlos to navigate the transition. Both things can be true.

On Pinochet, yeah, sloppy phrasing on my end. You’re right on the mechanics there.

Where I’d push back on the rest though is that your response to most of these basically amounts to ‘it was unarmed peaceful protest therefore arms were irrelevant.’ But nonviolent protest works precisely because the cost of violent suppression becomes too high. What makes that cost too high? The threat of armed resistance, international military consequences, internal military fracture.

[–] PugJesus@piefed.social 1 points 2 months ago* (last edited 2 months ago)

See, I don't disagree that the threat of armed resistance is part of the strength of successful nonviolent protest - I explicitly noted as much in my first comment, even.

My point there was that nonviolent activism can work. It doesn't always work, and it's not the only path, but the idea that nonviolent protest cannot and never has worked is simply not in-line with reality.

Going back to my original point, a 'well-armed' population does not present a fundamentally different threat to a tyrannical government than a poorly-armed one.

If the government has significant (even if minority) support, then it has a large number of armed supporters on its side - and usually the more enthusiastic, fringe types who are more looking for an excuse to apply violence to their countrymen, rather than the normal, "I just want to live in peace" types with a rifle in their hunting cabinet. In other words, an armed population also necessarily means armed fascist supporters - there's no real solution that involves arming the masses but excluding individuals of a popular political leaning without getting dangerously into tyrannical territory to begin with. The immediate effect of an armed population, in that case, is unlikely to be positive - as long as the government perceives its potential force in the civilian population to be superior to the potential force wielded by the civilian opposition - and even without ideologically-supported groups getting 'special treatment', this is likely - an armed population is not going to evoke a meaningfully different response than an unarmed one. When there is considerable support, the government will continue to rely on its partisans; when there is not considerable support, the government is likely to fall regardless.

If a government does not have significant support, then the threat of their own national military, which generally reflects the support of the general population unless recruited from a very narrow demographic therein (which is unusual in modern mass militaries because of the sheer manpower requirements of modern warfare), is far greater than any number of civilian militiamen with guns. National militaries are not only better trained and equipped for actual combat (which often does not end up being the case in government overthrows, but the threat is there), but extremely well-placed, both physically and socially, for coups, with officers in particular having connections in both the enlisted and the tyrannical civilian government; though even coups by noncoms and other enlisted men are attested to on occasion. National militaries are typically stationed strategically, meaning any turn of the national military means all the vital pathways of the nation - for both civilian and government purposes - are suddenly subject to the disposition of the national military.

On top of that, in the case of an actual prolonged and intensive confrontation between civilian militia and a national military or paramilitary, the usefulness of civilian firearms on grounds of logistics very rapidly declines as usage, poor maintenance, and circumstance begins to require repair and replacement, not to mention the supply of ammunition in the correct caliber.

In the case of a prolonged but low-intensity confrontation between civilian militia and a national military or paramilitary, the usefulness of civilian firearms also declines, but at a slower rate and for slightly different reasons. Ownership and usage of firearms will become suspect to a tyrannical government, and as long as the government retains support (necessary for the prosecution of any war, much less against its own population), there will be informers ready to speak up on the matter, either by ideological leaning or by hopes of avoiding punishment themselves. This requires the storage of firearms in non-optimal conditions, as well as a high rate of equipment destruction as caches are found and seized by the tyrannical government, and almost always a crackdown on civilian suppliers of firearms in the area. In most cases, then, the source becomes an outside supplier (as in the case of gunrunning by national intelligence agencies) or the national militaries/paramilitaries themselves.