This article by Nancy Flores originally appeared in the September 19, 2026 edition of Contralínea, a Mexican investigative journalism magazine.
Documents and emails declassified by the US government on the failed Fast and Furious operation —agreed upon by the administrations of Felipe Calderón and Barack Obama— reveal similarities with the Walking Fentanyl operation. Although the agencies in charge are different —in the first case it was the ATF and, in the second, the DEA—, both were carried out knowing they would cause deaths; in both, the violation of US laws was authorized in order, supposedly, to learn the inner workings of the crimes, and the US border was opened to give free passage both to the trafficking of weapons and to that of fentanyl. Another feature they share is that they failed: the agencies did not land any decisive blow against the criminal networks that operate on US territory. In the case of Fast and Furious, it also involved the intentional violation of Mexican laws; in addition, it contributed to the increase in deadly violence in the north of the country: the weapons were handed over to the Sinaloa Cartel, an organization to which the then-federal Secretary of Public Security and Calderón’s right-hand man was allied.
Second and final part. As the United States was ramping up its intrusion into Mexico through the Mérida Initiative —one of the main sources of funding for the supposed “war” on drug trafficking waged by Felipe Calderón and his secretary Genaro García Luna—, between 2009 and 2010 the operation Fast and Furious (Rápido y Furioso) was carried out, allowing some 2,000 high-caliber weapons to be trafficked to the Sinaloa Cartel.
Led by Group VII of the Phoenix Division —of the ATF (Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives)— that failed “experiment” to learn about the networks that made possible the illegal trafficking of weapons from the United States to Mexico shares several similarities with the recently uncovered operation Walking Fentanyl, carried out by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) during the past administration of Joe Biden.
Documents and emails declassified by the US government regarding the Fast and Furious operation, as well as the announcement of the opening of an investigation into the Walking Fentanyl operation, reveal that both were carried out knowing they would cause deaths; in both, the violation of US laws was authorized in order, supposedly, to learn the inner workings of the crimes, and the border of the neighboring country to the north was opened to give free passage to the trafficking of weapons and of fentanyl, respectively.

Declassified US government documents on the Fast and Furious and Walking Fentanyl operations.
Another feature of the two operations is their failure: neither the ATF nor the DEA obtained information to dismantle the criminal networks that operate in US territory and, with it, halt the illegal trafficking; nor did they land any decisive blows against criminals on the other side of the border.
Additionally, in the case of Fast and Furious —an operation authorized by Calderón’s government— it involved the intentional violation of Mexican laws, in addition to contributing to the increase in deadly violence in the north of the country: the weapons were handed over to the Sinaloa Cartel, and members of that organization —then associated with García Luna— removed the tracking chips and used them to expand their firepower.
Faced with the US government’s attempts to pressure Mexico on the false argument that not enough is being done against drug trafficking, and its threats to intervene in our country, this past September 10 President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo recalled these two cases as part of the problems that the United States has not resolved in its own territory. She also observed that it is part of the electoral fervor, and thus demanded that Mexico not be used to try to win votes.
It’s, if you will, a ‘Fast and Furious,’ but over there; but with drugs, not weapons. So they have plenty of problems over there, or their own problems, without their campaigns devoting themselves to the issue of the United States. They have no reason to use Mexico in their electoral campaign.
President Claudia Sheinbaum
She also exposed the contradictions US authorities constantly fall into: “some days they say: ‘no, Mexico is doing its job very well and we are coordinating very well.’ And another day: ‘no, but they’re not doing enough. Of course, if Mexico does its job, then great; but, if not, well, there can be consequences.’ So, it’s part of the campaign, from our point of view. And what do we say? Let’s coordinate, as we have done up to now, and each side runs its campaigns on its own territory.”
At that morning press conference, Sheinbaum Pardo recalled that the midterm elections in the United States will be held this coming November, and thus reiterated: “let them not use Mexico in their campaign. The United States has its problems. So Mexico should not be used as part of the electoral campaign of the United States.”
Investigation Against the DEA
Beyond the electoral campaign that the Trump administration is facing with low popularity, the Walking Fentanyl operation would show that US agencies did not learn the lesson that the Fast and Furious operation left the ATF.
This past August 31, Congressman James Comer sent a communication to Attorney General Blanche, informing him that the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform had opened an investigation into the “loosening,” by the Joe Biden administration, “of risk-mitigation protocols related to fentanyl.” The letter details that, through said operation, law enforcement was allegedly prevented from intervening to stop the trafficking of the opioid.
“They allowed deadly street drugs to reach US communities. The first Trump administration developed risk-mitigation protocols that addressed the unique threat that fentanyl poses to public safety, requiring agents to make reasonable efforts to prevent the distribution of this lethal drug. But the Biden administration dismissed those protocols and, instead, allowed the shipments to remain in the custody and control of criminals.”
The document notes that, in early 2023, the DEA intentionally stopped applying anti-drug-trafficking protocols in New Mexico: “instead, the DEA allowed shipments of up to 100,000 pills to remain in the hands of criminals, giving rise to the practice of ‘Walking Fentanyl,’ in which the pills were not intercepted and were allowed to keep moving through criminal networks. DEA agents monitored the shipments of pills but did not seize them, allowing hundreds of thousands of pills to reach the streets of New Mexico” between January 21, 2021 and January 19, 2025.
In his letter, the congressman adds that, according to Biden government officials, the objective of said operation was to build a larger case in order to prosecute more criminals; however, the result was an increase in threats to public safety. He adds that New Mexico was severely affected by fentanyl trafficking, which is proven by the fact that a nearly 21 percent increase in deaths from poisoning by this substance was recorded, against a 14 percent decrease in the rest of the country.

Excerpt from Congressman James Comer’s letter on the Walking Fentanyl operation.
Regarding the protocols the DEA stopped applying, he explains that no operations were carried out to prevent the drug from reaching the streets of New Mexico, no search warrants were requested, and the fentanyl was not seized; instead, it was allowed to “walk.”
And although he acknowledged the likelihood that DEA agents do not have sufficient resources to intercept all the shipments they are aware of, he pointed out that “a policy ordering them not to intercept significant shipments is unacceptable and, without a doubt, caused considerable harm and the loss of lives.” According to the DEA, due to the devastating effects of fentanyl, more than 50,000 people died in 2024; and nearly 80,000, in 2023.
In addition to Congressman Comer’s notes, it stands out that the DEA kept the Walking Fentanyl operation hidden, and that this became known only when the US press revealed it. It also runs counter to other public policies of the Agency itself, such as the “Fentanyl-Free United States” initiative. That one not only focuses on controlling the opioid to reduce its supply, but also includes awareness campaigns to curb demand.
The Agency details that the Sinaloa Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel have modified their commercial practices: “DEA laboratory tests indicate that 29 percent of the fentanyl pills analyzed during 2025 contained a potentially lethal dose, a significant decrease from the 76 percent of pills analyzed just two years earlier, in 2023. In addition, the purity of powdered fentanyl decreased to 10.3 percent, compared to the 19.5 percent recorded during the same period. The reduction in both potency and purity correlates with a decline in deaths from synthetic opioids to levels not seen since April 2020.”
Lessons From Fast and Furious
The “Walking Fentanyl” operation reveals that US agencies did not learn the lesson of the disastrous Fast and Furious operation, led by Group VII of the Phoenix Division. In that case, the ATF let some 2,000 high-powered weapons “walk” into Mexico, with the supposed objective of tracking them and determining how the illegal trafficking of weaponry for the drug cartels operated.
Declassified reports and emails from that operation detail the ATF’s conduct: in real time, the agency knew that the weapons trafficked with its consent were increasing violence in Mexico and causing more and more murders.
An example of this are the emails that David J. Voth, supervisor of Phoenix Group VII, sent to the other agents involved in the operation. On March 12, 2010, with the subject line: “Monday morning meeting, Strike Force, 9:30 a.m.,” he told them: “I have been informed that a rift may be brewing within the group. This is the moment when we should all come together, not split apart. We all have a right to our respective opinions (even if they are different); however, we must get along and understand that we have a mission to accomplish.
“I am thrilled and proud that our group is the first of the ATF groups for the country’s southwest border to… [CENSORED]. That said, I thank you all for your efforts to date and I applaud the results we have achieved in a short time. Whether it matters to you or not, top brass and headquarters authorities are following this case very closely and also believe that we (Phoenix Group VII) are doing what the southwest border groups were conceived for. It may sound corny, but we are ‘the tip of the ATF’s spear’ when it comes to firearms trafficking on the southwest border.
“We must resolve our problems at this meeting. I will not under any circumstances allow this case to be harmed by trivial arguments, rumors, or other adolescent-type behavior. I don’t know what all the problems are, but we are all adults, we are all professionals, and we have an exciting opportunity to use the most important tool in our law enforcement arsenal. If you don’t think this is fun, you’re in the wrong profession; and that’s that! This is the pinnacle of national US law enforcement techniques. After this, the arsenal is empty. Maybe the Maricopa County jail is hiring detention officers and you can earn 30,000 dollars (instead of 100,000) for serving lunch to inmates all day.
“Finally, many of our fellow ATF agents are coming to town to help us on this case. We must give our best and lead by example. No one wants to leave their family behind or abandon their pending cases to help someone who doesn’t even value their sacrifice. We must overcome this obstacle once and for all and move forward with the mission at hand. This may be the most fun experience you’ll have at the ATF; the only one who limits the fun is ourselves!”

Declassified email from ATF supervisor David J. Voth to Group VII agents.
Almost a month later, on March 2, 2010, David J. Voth again wrote to the entire group and copied the then-prosecutor in Phoenix, Emory Hurley —also involved in the Fast and Furious operation and who, after the scandal, was reassigned from criminal to civil cases—, and George T. Gillett Jr., special agent in charge of the ATF in Phoenix. The subject of the email was: “No pressure, but perhaps with a greater sense of urgency…”
Its content was very telling, since it begins with a list illustrating the violence in Mexico:
- “958 dead in March 2010 (the most violent month since 2005)
- “937 dead in January 2010
- “842 dead in December 2009
- “187 murders in March, including 11 police officers”
“I hope this email is well received, since it is not intended to imply anything other than the fact that the violence in Mexico is serious and, without meaning to be dramatic, we feel a sense of urgency regarding this investigation. Our subjects bought 359 firearms in the month of March alone, including numerous Barrett .50 caliber rifles. I believe our plan to dismantle this entire organization is justified, and that rushing to arrest a single person without taking into account the full scope of the conspiracy would be inadvisable for the overall success of the mission. I recognize that we all agree that doing it correctly requires patience and planning. Nonetheless, if there were something we could do to facilitate a timely response or action by others, we should communicate our sense of urgency regarding this matter.
“Thank you all for your continued support in this endeavor,
“David Voth
“Supervisor, Phoenix Group VII”

Declassified email signed by David Voth, supervisor of Phoenix Group VII.
A month later, on May 3, 2010, Voth himself wrote as the subject of the email: “Just for your information…” And in the content, he pointed out to them: “April was the second most violent month during the Calderón administration, with 1,231 killings. This figure is more than double that recorded in the same month of 2009 (560 deaths) and five times that of 2008 (270).”

Declassified email: “April was the second most violent month during the Calderón administration.”
Another document declassified by the US authorities, and identified as “Phoenix Group VII (Firearms Trafficking GRIT/SWB) 785115-10-0004, Operation Fast and Furious (Rápido y Furioso),” notes that said operation was part of “a large-scale firearms trafficking investigation, in which weapons have been recovered either in the Republic of Mexico or on the border between the United States and Mexico (or in its immediate vicinity: El Paso, TX; Nogales, AZ; Douglas, AZ, etc.). To date, more than 1,500 firearms have been acquired since October 2009 —paying more than 1 million dollars in cash, through direct transactions at various federally licensed establishments (FFL) in the Phoenix area—. Currently, the ATF maintains active several judicially authorized audio interceptions (under Title III regulations), and there are sworn statements pending approval at the Department of Justice (Office of Enforcement Operations, or DOJ-OEO) relating to other target phones linked to this conspiracy. This investigation presents multiple strands: the ATF seeks not only to prosecute various individuals for straw-purchase offenses or unlicensed weapons dealing, but, more specifically, to establish the link with the Mexican cartel or drug trafficking organization (DTO) that obtains said weapons, in order to consolidate the strongest possible case and to bring the most serious charges when the moment of formal accusation arrives.”

Declassified document on Operation Fast and Furious (Phoenix Group VII).
And another of the documents details how the weapons were being acquired and how they were handed over to the traffickers: “on May 8, 2010, a cooperating defendant of Task Force VIII of Group VII, of the ATF in Phoenix, participated in the simulated purchase of firearms to later sell them to a trafficker.” To do so, the declassified report notes, he was asked to visit Lone Wolf Trading Company and Arizona Auto Weapons, both holders of federal weapons-sale licenses. There he was to acquire five Beretta 92SF pistols (9 mm, semiautomatic). At the first business they had only two available, while at the second, more than 40. He acquired two weapons, respectively (serial numbers: 1159712 and J395712), and filled out ATF forms 4473 and 3310.4 during the process.
“After returning to the area near the agent’s residence, he met with ATF Phoenix Task Force VIII at a previously agreed-upon neutral location. He photographed the pistols, noted their serial numbers, and provided the cooperator with an electronic audio-recording device. Subsequently, the agent returned to the residence and informed him by telephone of his return. He positioned himself in a nearby location suitable for surveillance.
“At approximately 5:00 p.m. on this date, a black Mitsubishi Eclipse convertible was observed arriving at the cooperator’s residence. Approximately 30 minutes later, the same black Mitsubishi convertible was observed leaving the area. Shortly afterward, the cooperator was debriefed on the encounter with an audio-recording device. During the debriefing, the cooperator indicated that a person, driving the black Mitsubishi Eclipse convertible, arrived at the residence; they spoke generally about possession of the two Beretta 92SF pistols that the cooperator had purchased at LWTC. The person paid him 200 dollars for the weapons. As evidenced in the audio recording (which is part of this file and is incorporated into it), he informed the agent that he would obtain little more profit than this from this (and other) firearms transactions. He went on to describe how his financial needs were the factor motivating him to traffic weapons and how he would continue doing so until those needs were satisfied. In addition, he tried to reassure the agent by stating that he assumed the only real risk in their trafficking arrangement when he erased the serial numbers from the weapons and transported them south, toward their final destination.”
In the end, and as is already known, the Fast and Furious operation not only failed, but it was found to have been responsible for supplying weaponry to the Sinaloa Cartel and, consequently, also contributed to the violence and the increase in intentional homicides in Mexico. It was even documented that some of those weapons were used in the murders of US citizens. Following these events, Group VII was dissolved. However, the case remains unpunished; so much so that Felipe Calderón was never called to clarify his government’s participation in it.
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The post From Fast and Furious to Walking Fentanyl: Lessons Not Learned by the US appeared first on Mexico Solidarity Media.
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