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“He’s very disappointed, but it’s a strike dynamic. You strike to try to get your maximum effectiveness,” Spear said in an interview. “The point of the strike is to create enough discomfort to get them to meet as many of the demands as we can get them to meet, but at some point, then the threat of the injunction kicks in.”

Philadelphia’s last major municipal strike in 1986 ended shortly after a judge ruled that sanitation employees had to return to work to prevent a public health crisis due to the build-up of trash. The maximum point of leverage, he said, is likely well before that point.

“As time goes on, the clock is ticking, so at some point the courts — unfortunately, in this country — are going to overwhelm the will of the membership,” Spear said.

shrug-outta-hecks

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Santa Maria’s city center, with its gritty mix of old Western-wear stores and chain mall outlets, is the place where the valley’s farmworker marches always start or end. A grassy knoll in a small park, at the intersection of Broadway and Main, provides a natural stage for people to talk to a crowd stretching into the parking lot and streets beyond.

This March 30, the day before Cesar Chavez’s birthday, a high school student named Cesar Vasquez walked up the rise. He was surrounded by other young protesters, all from Santa Maria farmworker families, 80 percent of whom are undocumented. He turned to face the several hundred marchers who’d paused there, and began reciting a stream of consciousness poem, fierce gestures punctuating his emotion-filled words. The noisy crowd before him grew silent.

“We’re meant to work in the fields,” he cried out. “[And told,] ‘Don’t be too loud because then you’re seen as just the angry brown kid ’ . . . The system has pushed us onto our knees into the rows of dirt where the berries lie. We are tired of being called essential workers but not even treated as essential humans . . . We are going to do something about it . . . We can no longer be suffocated. It is our time to breathe, our time to rise, our time to fight!”

Brave words, given that he’d helped organize the day’s march to counter pervasive fear in Santa Maria of immigration raids and detentions and worry over how growers are hiring more and more temporary guest workers from the H-2A visa program.

Concepcion Chavez, who went on strike briefly in 2024, described that impact. “The company always keeps them [the H-2 workers] separate from us. If we don’t work hard, the supervisors say we will be replaced, they will send in the H-2As.”

Full Article

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.zip/post/39994633

Their new contract includes raises of 20 percent over four years and an additional $2,500 signing bonus.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.ml/post/31040306

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.zip/post/39995024

Unionized quality assurance testers at video game holding company ZeniMax announced Friday that they have reached a tentative contract agreement with Microsoft, which acquired ZeniMax in 2021.

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https://www.reddit.com/r/nursing/comments/1kznqn7/stanford_nurses_saving_lives_by_day_sleeping_in/

spoilerPALO ALTO, Calif. —

Emergency nurses at Stanford Hospital are choosing to sleep in vans between shifts. These nurses need to be on call and within a 30-minute drive of the hospital, but many can't afford to live nearby.

“I personally know at least 15 people sleeping in their vehicles," said TJ Carella, an emergency nurse. "But there are definitely more than that."

The cities surrounding Stanford Hospital are some of the most expensive in the state. Average home prices are over $3 million.

"No, absolutely not," Carella said, when asked if he could afford that.

He lives in Pleasanton, which is about an hour away. When he needs to be on-call, he sleeps in a retrofitted Sprinter van that has a bed, mini-fridge, a solar-powered generator and a composting toilet.

"I tried to make it as homey as possible," he said. "But it does feel weird. I have a master's degree. I work hard, but this is the reality."

Stanford does offer spare rooms for nurses, but Carella says it is not always guaranteed. He says sleeping in a van became the only reliable way he could do his job.

"We get woken up out of nowhere, and we half to be here in 30 minutes," he said. "We are often texting each other, trying to figure out where to park. Some of us have been ticketed a few times."

His union is currently negotiating a new contract with the hospital. Not only are they asking for an increase in wages, they want a change to their schedule so nurses like Carella can better plan when he is on call.

“We do have nurses who fly in from out of state, work their straight days and fly home," said Colleen Borges, the president of CRONA, Stanford's nurses' union. "It is virtually impossible for a new nurse to purchase a new home here in the Bay Area.”

In a statement, Stanford Medicine said:

“We deeply value our nurses and are committed to reaching an agreement on a contract that recognizes their vital contributions to our health care system.”

They also mentioned Stanford has a nurse retention rate that exceeds national standards. However, Carella says that retention rate won't last.

“In order for us to keep doing what we need to do, then there are some things that need to change," he said.

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In September-October 2024, hundreds of workers led a 38-day strike at the plant under the leadership of the Samsung India Workers Union (SIWU) after the management objected to its registration.

The workers of the Samsung India’s Chennai plant secured a landmark wage revision agreement after a long battle with the company management on Monday, May 19. Samsung management was forced to agree to revise the wages of all workers at the plant, increase leave, and improve the overall working conditions at the factory.

The agreement was negotiated by the newly formed Samsung India Workers Union (SIWU) with the company management, under the mediation of the Tamil Nadu state government, where the plant is situated.

Announcing the agreement, A. Soundararajan, president of the Tamil Nadu Center for Indian Trade Union (CITU), with which the SIWU is affiliated, congratulated the workers and the SIWU leadership for the victory. He also warned the company management against pursuing anti-worker policies moving forward because the workers will not hesitate to launch more struggles in the future for their rights.

As per the terms of the agreement, the wages of the workers at Samsung’s Chennai plant would be raised up to Rs 18,000 (about USD 210) over three years in direct salaries, and an additional Rs 4,000 (about USD 47) in experience-based incentives.

Full Article

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international-community-1international-community-2

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Approximately 55,000 of Los Angeles County's workers have taken to the streets downtown in a massive, two-day protest -- affecting a range of industries, from public services and health care to libraries and park management.

Members of the labor union SEIU Local 721 began the strike on Monday night, saying in a press release that failed contract negotiations and 44 alleged labor law violations sparked the walkout.

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My workplace is voting on a union in two weeks, and we have an unusual amount of people we haven't talked to. It seems like a tossup at moment. I'm hopeful but not at all confident.

Management has officially been nice once the vote was triggered, but it seems a few of our workplace bullies who have carved out priveledged positions, and who don't show respect to other coworkers, have sided firmly on the anti-union side (I wonder why?) and are running around the store talking shit to everyone (and throwing in some transphobic bullshit while they are at it).

Some of them have showed up at our meetings to start sealioning and wasting people's time. Others are posting long screeds in the breakroom lying their asses off and basically acting on behalf of management.

After the first meeting I explained my experience and poured my heart out thinking they were there in good faith and I would be taken seriously, but of course not. Next meeting same fucking questions and pretending no one answered.

Some of it is continueing to ask for specifics we can't give, because it depends on the negotiating process and workplace surveys. All we can say is "It's up to us to decide that during negotiations". Is there a better answer we can give?

Has anybody else dealt with this shit? Any tips?

Our current plan is to not engage with them as as possible and kick them out of the next meeting if they show up.

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They made a video

UFCW press release: https://www.ufcw.org/press-releases/whole-foods-union-victory/

An articleSource: https://archive.is/https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/27/business/whole-foods-union-vote.html

By Danielle Kaye

Jan. 27, 2025

Workers at a Whole Foods Market in Philadelphia voted on Monday to become the first unionized store in Amazon’s grocery chain, opening a new front in the e-commerce giant’s efforts to fend off labor organizing in multiple segments of its business.

Employees at the sprawling Whole Foods store, in the city’s Spring Garden neighborhood, voted 130 to 100 in favor of organizing with the United Food and Commercial Workers union, the National Labor Relations Board said.

Store employees said they hoped a union could help negotiate higher wages, above the current starting rate of $16 an hour, and better benefits. Some longtime employees, who have been with Whole Foods since well before Amazon bought the chain in 2017, said reductions in benefits and cuts in staffing levels when Amazon took over, among other changes, had been sources of frustration.

But those leading the union campaign hinted at a broader goal: to inspire a wave of organizing across the chain’s more than 500 grocery stores, adding to union drives among warehouse workers and delivery drivers that Amazon is already combating.

“I expect others to follow, and that will increase the leverage that we have at the bargaining table,” said Ben Lovett, an employee at the Philadelphia store who has led the organizing. “We’ve shown them that it’s possible to organize at Amazon.”

“This fight is far from over,” Wendell Young IV, president of U.F.C.W. Local 1776, which represents food and retail workers in Pennsylvania, said in a statement, “but today’s victory is an important step forward.”

Whole Foods said in a statement that the company was “disappointed” by the election result, but that it offered competitive compensation and benefits for employees and that it was “committed to maintaining a positive working environment” at the Philadelphia store.

The successful bid to form a union comes against a backdrop of what several workers have described as a campaign of intimidation from Whole Foods. They pointed to ramped-up monitoring of employees and anti-union messaging in the store since workers went public with their organizing efforts in the fall.

In unfair labor practice charges filed with the labor board earlier this month, U.F.C.W. Local 1776 accused Whole Foods of firing an employee at the Philadelphia store in retaliation for supporting the union drive. The union also accused the chain of excluding the store’s employees from receiving a raise that had been given this month to all of its other workers in the Philadelphia area.

Whole Foods said it had complied with all legal requirements when communicating with employees about unions. The company denied allegations of retaliation, arguing that it could not legally change wages during the election process and that it had delayed a raise until after the election to avoid the appearance of trying to influence votes.

“A union is not needed at Whole Foods Market,” the company said in a statement ahead of the election, adding that it recognized employees’ right to “make an informed decision.”

The company, which has five days to challenge the election outcome before the result will be certified, will have to bargain with the union for a contract covering the store’s unionized workers, the N.L.R.B. said in statement announcing the result.

But winning a union vote doesn’t ensure that contract talks will progress. Amazon warehouse workers who unionized nearly three years still do not have a contract.

In 2022, workers on Staten Island voted to form Amazon’s first union in the United States; it is now affiliated with the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. Amazon has challenged the election outcome in court, and has refused to recognize or bargain with the union. Delivery drivers, who work for third-party package delivery companies serving Amazon, have also mounted campaigns with the Teamsters.

Last week, Amazon said it was closing all of its warehouse and logistics operations in Quebec, the Canadian province where unions had gained a foothold among some Amazon workers, and would lay off 1,700 employees.

The union push in Amazon’s grocery business resembles, in certain ways, union organizing at Starbucks that has spread to more than 500 stores in the United States since 2021, said Brishen Rogers, a labor law professor at Georgetown University.

In grocery stores and coffee shops, employees work side by side, day after day, in conditions that are often conducive to getting to know one another and forming networks of solidarity, he said. Those dynamics do not always exist in warehouses, where workers tend to be under constant surveillance.

“I would not be shocked,” Mr. Rogers said, “if it had a snowball effect across different Whole Foods locations, much like Starbucks.”

Ed Dupree, who works at the Whole Foods store in Philadelphia and has been involved in the union campaign there, said he was in touch with workers at other locations across the country who were interested in unionizing. At least 10 other Whole Foods stores have started to organize, he said.

The new political landscape in Washington may pose hurdles for the Philadelphia workers as they try to negotiate a contract, or for other stores that might file for union elections. After the Biden administration’s embrace of unions, President Trump is expected to appoint a new N.L.R.B. general counsel whose approach could make it harder for organizing campaigns to succeed.

Employers typically exploit weaknesses in federal labor law to avoid reaching a first contract with newly unionized employees, said Kate Andrias, a professor of labor and employment law at Columbia University. Legal barriers to organizing and bargaining exist regardless of the government’s stance on labor, though companies might feel more emboldened to intimidate workers under President Trump, she said.

“We’re likely to see the law become less favorable to workers during the Trump administration,” Ms. Andrias said. But, she added, “even in periods when there have been hostile labor boards in the past, workers have been successful in organizing unions.”

spoiler

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On this day in 2012, the Marikana Massacre took place when South African police fired on striking workers, killing 34 and injuring 76 in the most lethal use of force by the state in half a century.

The shootings have been compared to the infamous Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, when police fired on a crowd of anti-Pass Law protesters, killing 69 people, including 10 children. The Marikana Massacre took place on the 25-year anniversary of a nationwide strike by over 300,000 South African workers.

On August 10th, miners had initiated a wildcat strike at a site owned by Lonmin in the Marikana area, close to Rustenburg, South Africa. Although ten people (mostly workers) had been killed before August 16th, it was on that day that an elite force from the South African Police Service fired into a crowd of strikers with rifles, killing 34 and injuring 76.

After surveying the aftermath of the violence, photojournalist Greg Marinovich concluded that "[it is clear] that heavily armed police hunted down and killed the miners in cold blood."

Following the massacre, a massive wave of strikes occurred across the South African mining sector - in early October, analysts estimated that approximately 75,000 miners were on strike from various gold and platinum mines and companies across South Africa, most of them doing so illegally.

A year after the Marikana Massacre, author Benjamin Fogel wrote "Perhaps the most important lesson of Marikana is that the state can gun down dozens of black workers with little or no backlash from 'civil society', the judicial system or from within the institutions that supposedly form the bedrock of democracy."

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The success or failure of a union election is almost always determined by knowledge of the workforce and an intimate understanding of the values and beliefs of each employee. The union suppression industry has made workforce intelligence gathering a key element of its trade.

In the ’70s and ’80s, industrial psychologist Charles Hughes trained over 27,000 managers and supervisors to “make unions unnecessary.” One of his methods was to promote the use of surveys to collect information about workers. Employers signed up by the hundreds to attend Hughes’s talks, including a seminar titled, “Attitude Survey Techniques for Measuring Union Sentiments.” CUE — which hosted the conference — helped streamline the emerging industry of management consultants, industrial psychologists, and law firms that helped turn the tide against the labor movement, which has declined precipitously since the ’70s.

“It’s intimate to talk about race and identity,” said Duff. “That creates a vulnerability, and to have consultants come in and say, ‘Hey, look, I understand the discrimination you’ve gone through, you can open up to me,’ that can get you a lot of valuable intelligence.”

Such vulnerabilities can be key insights during an organizing drive. In 2011, Pratt Logistics opened a new plant in Pennsylvania. The company brought in a man who only identified himself as an efficiency expert named “Jay.” Jay went around conducting one-on-one interviews with workers, asking them about what problems they faced, their values, and concerns.

Later, when truckers and warehouse workers at Pratt began steps to form a union at the new plant, the company instantly fired union sympathizers. It wasn’t until later that they found out Jay’s real identity: Jason Greer, the union suppression consultant, who had been hired explicitly to identify potential union supporters.

When the Teamsters union later brought the case to court, arguing illegal retaliation and unfair labor practices, labor attorneys noted that Greer on his website explicitly advertised himself as a “union buster” who “wakes up every day with one goal in mind, and that’s to keep unions from taking over and ruining businesses that my friends and my clients have worked their entire lives to build.”

Those words are gone from Greer’s website. Now he lists himself as a diversity consultant.

Danine Clay and Byron Clay of the firm Diverse Workforce Consultants are among the union avoidance professionals who have worked on recent high-profile campaigns to persuade workers against joining a union at Hershey’s and at Mission Hospital in North Carolina, according to disclosures. Their firm touts its “ability to empower management with employee selection, retention, diversity training and skills, and union avoidance tools and strategies are unmatched.”

Danine Clay was listed on disclosure forms as a consultant for Amazon engaged in persuading warehouse workers not to join a union. Over the phone, she said the disclosure form was incorrect but declined to comment further.

“There’s kind of a jiujitsu, to get employees thinking about racial justice issues, at least superficially, as a way to deflect labor and collective bargaining,” said Michael C. Duff, a law professor at the University of Wyoming. Duff attended law school after union organizing cost him his job working for an airline. He understands why the diversity, equity, and inclusion field has become an asset for companies hoping to skirt unionization — particularly at a time when employee interest in both is rising rapidly.

“Labor consultant folks converting into DEI folks,” added Duff. “It’s really a wonderful kind of psyops, right, because these people are supposed to be close to employees.”

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A huge and powerful strike of British dockers against low pay, unsafe conditions and casual, precarious employment contracts which, with international solidarity, won nearly all its demands and marked a turning point in UK working class history.

The dangerous nature of port work, combined with low pay, poor working conditions and widespread social deprivation ensured that the workforce looked to their trade unions for protection. As a result, industrial relations were strained throughout the history of the port.

Until the late 19th century, much of the trade of the port was seasonal. Sugar came from the West Indies, timber from the north, tea and spices from the Far East. It was difficult to predict when ships would arrive since bad weather could delay a fleet.

The number of ships arriving during a period of four successive weeks in 1861 at the West India Dock was 42, 131, 209 and 85. On some days there were many ships in the docks, on others very few.

There was very little mechanisation - the loading and discharging of ships was highly labour-intensive. Demand for men varied from day to day because there was very little advance notice that a ship was arriving. The dock companies only took on labourers when trade picked up and they needed them.

The 'call-on'

Most workers in the docks were casual labourers taken on for the day. Sometimes they would be taken on only for a few hours. Twice a day there was a 'call-on' at each of the docks when labour was hired for short periods.

Only the lucky few would be selected, the rest would be sent home without payment. The employers wanted to have a large number of men available for work but they did not want to pay them when there was no work.

The dock strike began over a dispute about 'plus' money during the unloading of the Lady Armstrong in the West India Docks. 'Plus' money was a bonus paid for completing work quickly. The East and West India Dock Company had cut their 'plus' rates to attract ships into their own docks rather than others.

A trade depression and an oversupply of docks and warehousing led to fierce competition between the rival companies. The cut in payments provided the opportunity for long-held grievances among the workforce to surface.

Led by Ben Tillet, the men in the West India Dock struck on 14 August and immediately started persuading other dockers to join them. The Dockers' Union had no funds and needed help.

The support they needed came when the Amalgamated Stevedores Union, under Tom McCarthy, joined the strike. Not only did they carry high status in the port but their work was essential to the running of the docks.

Support from the stevedores

The stevedores' union issued a manifesto, entitled To the Trade Unionists and People of London. This called on other workers to support the dockers

Other workers followed the lead of the stevedores, including the seamen, firemen, lightermen, watermen, ropemakers, fish porters and carmen. Strikes broke out daily in factories and workshops throughout the East End.

The port was paralyzed by what was in effect a general strike. It was estimated that by 27 August 130,000 men were on strike.

The dockers formed a strike committee to organize the dispute and decide on its aims. The main strike demand was 'the dockers' tanner' - a wage of 6d an hour (instead of their previous 5d an hour) and an overtime rate of 8d per hour.

They also wanted the contract and 'plus' systems to be abolished and 'call-ons' to be reduced to two a day. They also demanded that they be taken on for minimum periods of four hours and that their union be recognized throughout the port.

The Strike Committee organised mass meetings and established pickets outside the dock gates. They persuaded men still at work and 'blacklegs' to come out on strike.

During the strike the port was at a standstill and the dock companies were losing money. Despite this, they believed that giving into the dockers' demands would set a dangerous precedent.

From the beginning of September however money poured in from Australia. The first instalment of £150 was sent by the Brisbane Wharf Labourers' Union.

In all, over £30,000 was raised by the Australian dockers and their allies. It arrived at just the right time and meant the end of worries about feeding the strikers and their families.

The dockers could now face a longer strike and the leaders knew they could now concentrate on the picket lines. Defeat through hunger now seemed very unlikely and the dockers scented victory.

On 5 September, when the strike was in its fourth week, the Lord Mayor of London formed the Mansion House Committee.Its aim was to try to bring the two sides together to end the strike. Ben Tillett and John Burns represented the dockers at the negotiations.

The Mansion House Committee persuaded the employers to meet practically all the dockers' demands. After five weeks the Dock Strike was over. It was agreed that the men would go back to work on 16 September.

After the successful strike, the dockers formed a new General Labourers' Union. Tillett was elected General Secretary and Tom Mann became the union's first President. In London alone, nearly 20,000 men joined this new union.

The success of the Dockers' Strike was a turning point in the history of trade unionism. Workers throughout the country, particularly the unskilled, gained a new confidence to organise themselves and carry out collective action. From 750,000 in 1888, trade union membership grew to 1.5 million by 1892 and to over 2 million by 1899

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New South Wales Labor premier Chris Minns came to power after promising to scrap the coalition’s public sector pay freeze. After less than five months, he has spectacularly broken his promise — and offered what amounts to a pay cut.

During its 2023 state election campaign, New South Wales (NSW) Labor committed to abolishing the state’s wage cap, which has depressed the pay packets of public sector employees such as public-school teachers, nurses, and transport workers since 2011. After ousting the Liberal-National Coalition government, NSW Labor built on the goodwill it had generated among teachers by immediately commencing negotiations with the NSW Teachers Federation (NSWTF) over a new agreement.

By May 31 this year, the union and NSW government had all but signed off on a suite of improvements for teachers and, by implication, students. These included reforms to how casual, temporary, and permanent teachers are paid as well as an increase to paid time out of class, to allow teachers to complete planning, programming, assessments, reporting, and other important work. The new enterprise agreement would also have scrapped the wage cap by granting a pay raise, which, for salaried teachers, would have amounted to between 8 and 12 percent, depending on position and years of experience. Teachers in NSW seemed set to win an above-inflation salary increase, making them the highest-paid teachers in the country.

On June 22, the NSW Department of Education reaffirmed the agreement, which was set to commence from October 9 this year, and last for twelve months. Then, on July 28, in a sudden and unexpected backflip, the NSW Labor government vacated negotiations with the NSWTF and rescinded its proposed agreement. The government’s new offer is a betrayal and it amounts to austerity.

https://jacobin.com/2023/08/new-south-wales-teachers-federation-chris-minns-australian-labor-party-pay-cut/

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Content moderators from several African countries demanded compensation of 1.46 billion euros for violation of labor rights and outsourcing. So far, most of the demands made by the sector to the technology transnationals have been ignored.

Kenyan workers who clean the Internet of toxic and harmful content have formed a union to demand better working conditions. The situation of underemployment and precariousness of work, which affects workers in this sector hired by high-tech companies, is well known.

The job of the content moderator is to navigate through online content and detect information that is violent, disturbing, and controversial. Sometimes it may be extremely violent videos, other times it may be political propaganda, images that denigrate people, child pornography, etc.

The need to filter the content of social networks has created a labor sector that has been characterized by poor remuneration and inadequate working conditions. A starting point in the long struggle of demands of the new union will be the raising of the current salary in Kenya, which is barely three euros an hour.

Other demands of the Kenyan union will be directed to the design of more respectful protocols, the creation of mental health services, as well as the establishment of safety standards and means of occupational safety.

As in other sectors of production and services, the first world externalizes the socio-economic and political cost of "decontamination" jobs to underdeveloped labor markets. In this way, they evade the rigorous protocols of their countries of origin and make labor cheaper.

In 2022, Facebook's Spanish-language content moderation staff, subcontracted in the United States itself, denounced the terrible working conditions they had, compared to their English-language counterpart.

The basic demands that have arisen from workers in the sector around the world, especially in those countries where there are fewer labor regulations for online work, have been: the need for a programming of rotation cycles for at least three months. This involves rotating through different types of content, as well as total rest from moderator work. Thirdly, there is the right to mental health assistance, and the design of realistic demands for compliance with the work program. Longer times should be determined to make moderation decisions, which on average requires regulating content every 60 or 66 seconds with an effectiveness of 85 percent.

Months earlier, content moderators from several African countries demanded compensation of 1.46 billion euros for violation of labor rights and outsourcing. So far, most of the demands made by the sector to the technology transnationals have been ignored.

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